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Background. The article builds a descriptive-analytical characteristic of E. Hoxha's set of identities. In particular, it was determined that the set of identities of the Albanian despotoid Hoxha is characterized by diffusions, splittings and fragmentations. Diffusion, splitting and fragmentation are noticeable at all levels of Khoja's identity: religious (Bektashism as a combination of Christianity and Islam); philosophical (as a combination of the philosophy of the French Enlightenment, Muslim dogmatism, despotism and nihilism); ideological (as a combination of Albanian nationalism and Stalinism); moral and ethical (asa combination of decorative rigorism, a tendency to moralize in public communications and immorality/immorality in everyday life); legal (as a manifestation of petty despotic hypercontrol that accompanied the militarization of the lives of ordinary Albanians, their pauperization, with privileges for the nomenklatura class, ideologists and the power bloc); artificial (identities in the field of art – in the form of a combination of Albanian folklore and propaganda narratives of the Stalinist type). Methods. The following methods were used: analytical, historical, statistical, generalization, visual- analytical identification. Results. It was stated that in social identity, Hoxha showed all the signs of diffusion and splitting, since he was at the same time close to the "simple Albanian people", and felt contempt and rejection towards him. This also affected the professional identity of the despotoid, which he used as a front for political propaganda and agitation in favor of the Communist Party. Khodja in his social and professional identities was a typical nomenklatura, i. e. a man without professional capital, who focused on ideological and managerial work without the appropriate specialization. Partial identification of the bodily-morphological, behavioral, physiognomic, non-verbal-communicative and spatial-symbolic features of Hodja and the regime derived from the personal power of the despotoid gives reason to conclude that pronounced diffusion, splitting and fragmentation are found in his set of identities. Khoja represents a point of intersection of the diffusely anomic religious identity of the Bektashist type, which recursed into the nihilism of his philosophy and worldview, the ideology of the besieged fortress society, moral xenophobia, potestarism in the legal system and censored "social realism" in art, whichwas reduced to propaganda of Khojaist moral teachings. and stereotypes. Under the significant influence of French culture, moreprecisely, its enlightenment wing, and persistent monarchical illusions, Hoxha built a despotoid state of a closed type, all the symbols of everyday life of which were focused on combating a threatening external environment. Conclusions.These features correlate physiognomically with Hodja's belonging to the Dinaro-Caucasian race. In non-verbal communications, Hoxha constructed the image of a nomenklatura, in which the features of the left-wing French intelligentsia were manifested, and what was reflected in the diffusion of his identity under the influence of French culture. Marker for such a repressed Francophilia and diffusion of the identity of French culture (which corresponded to the hysterical components of his character with ethno-specific aesthetics for French culture) were, in particular, the stylization of clothes,which at the very end of his political career showed signs of French fashion of the 60s and 70s., as well as Hoxha's contacts with French communities, in particular the Albanian-French friendship, including the doctors whose services Hoxha used.

The American Indian population is increasing at a greater rate than any other definable group in the US. The 1970 census shows that 45% of Indians live in Ur areas. Since Indian Centers have seen so much factional fighting & outside manipulation, the core of Indian social life in most cities lies in networks of friends, kin, local bars, & alcoholics anonymous organizations. Most young Indians raised in the city do not know a tribal language. Loss of tribal language also results from intertribal marriages, in which English is used as the common language. There has been an increase in education level, especially in cities, & in the proliferation of bureaucracies dealing with Indians. A great increase in crime is also noted during the period 1950-1970. Enormous pressures to acculturate & assimilate have threatened the Indians' sense of identity, & the turmoil that has characterized Indian life since 1950 reflects their determination to maintain their identity & values. More of the same is predicted, unless Indians perceive changing their identity to be in accord with their traditional values. 2 Tables. Modified HA.

Cities shape the lives and outlooks of billions of people, yet they have been overshadowed in contemporary political thought by nation-states, identity groups, and concepts like justice and freedom. The Spirit of Cities revives the classical idea that a city expresses its own distinctive ethos or values. In the ancient world, Athens was synonymous with democracy and Sparta represented military discipline. In this original and engaging book, Daniel Bell and Avner de-Shalit explore how this classical idea can be applied to today's cities, and they explain why philosophy and the social sciences.

Critical sociological analysis suggests that the film Stomp the Yard immerses its audience in a myopic legend of African American fraternities and sororities. Combining historical photos of Civil Rights leaders, traditions of 'stepping', tales of meritocratic social uplift, and romanticized aspects of historically black college or university (HBCU) culture, Stomp the Yard reveals a hyper-individualistic, conservative, and politically blunted form of historiography. Specifically, five ideological mythologies ground the film's construction of Civil Rights memory and racialized identities. These mythologies decisively fail to interrogate the complexity of black fraternities and sororities. In so doing, they invite a critical blindness to these organizations' role in past Civil Rights struggles as well as their intersection with contemporary issues such as classism, hazing, and resistance to contemporary forms of racism and racial inequality.

The empirical material of this article consists of interviews with politicians in Västerbotten, an area in the north of Sweden. The aim of the article is to identify and analyse how these politicians relate to digital information technology and new media. What democratic opportunities and risks of information technology and new media are reflected in interviews with the politicians? What does this technology and these media mean for politicians' political strategies and for their identity production as professional politicians? We argue that the interview data reflect two partly contradictory political identities: on the one side a progressive and modern political identity, and on the other a 'real' and 'authentic' political identity. However, both identities are consistent with a digital discourse and are populist due to their pro-technological character.

Borderland Anxieties explores the complex relationships between liberalization, gender and migration in Nagaland, a state in Northeast India that is emerging from decades of armed conflict. In the wake of Nagaland's conflict, liberalization and an 'opening up' of the state to new connections and flows take place alongside ongoing militarization, nationalist insurgency, and political unrest. Nagaland's complex peace-conflict continuum has encouraged a reordering of possibilities for men and for women in the state, but also, attempts to maintain fundamental social roles that are seen as defining an ethnic group, as foundations of identity, and for many as uncompromisable. In exploring the complex dynamics of peace, conflict, and tension in Nagaland, Borderland Anxieties offers a window to understanding how gender, politics and anxiety intersect in a borderland state experiencing rapid social, political, and economic changes

A "Latino" law student? Law 4 sale at Harvard Law School -- My mother: one assimilation story -- My father: planting the seeds of a racial consciousness -- Growing up white? -- College: beginning to recognize racial complexities -- A family gallery -- A corporate lawyer: happily avoiding the issue -- A Latino law professor -- My family/Mi familia -- Lessons for Latino assimilation -- What does it all mean for race relations in the United States?

How does the recognition of collective self-governance rights for indigenous communities affect national unity and state consolidation? In recent decades, many states have recognized such rights, devolving de jure control over land and local governance to indigenous institutions. Prominent perspectives in the state-building literature suggest that these policies are likely to threaten state consolidation by strengthening nonstate authorities at the expense of state authority and subnational identities at the expense of a national identity. Yet few studies have tested whether these policies have the consequences their critics claim. I address this gap, leveraging spatial and temporal variation in the granting of communal land titles to indigenous communities in the Philippines. Using difference-in-differences and panel designs, I find that titling increases both indigenous self-identification and compliance with the state. Results from an original survey experiment suggest that recognizing collective self-governance rights increases identification with the nation.