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In The Shifting Border, Ayelet Shachar (2020) argues that the exercise of sovereign power through border regimes no longer tracks territorial boundaries. In my commentary, I first argue that Shachar's analysis implicitly calls into question the legitimacy of the international order. I then raise the worry that the logic which severs the link between the exercise of sovereignty and territory is the same logic that can be used to justify injustice and atrocity such as ethnic cleansing. Shachar's normative proposals do not sufficiently recognize or guard against this risk.

Nachkriegsländer gehören zu den schwierigsten politischen Arenen. Die Herausforderungen bestehen nicht nur darin, diese Länder dabei zu unterstützen Kriege zu beenden und neue Gewaltausbrüche zu verhindern, sondern vielmehr zu einem friedlichen Zusammenleben zurückzukehren. In diesem Zusammenhang ist in den letzten Jahren das Interesse vieler Wissenschaftler als auch vieler internationaler Akteure gestiegen, das mögliche Potential des nachhaltigen Managements natürlicher Ressourcen zu nutzen um Friedensprozesse zu unterstützen. Die Hoffnung liegt dabei darin, dass eine gute Regierungsführung ("Good Governance") und insbesondere die nachhaltige Entwicklung und Nutzung von Ressourcen wie Wasser, Wald oder landwirtschaftlichen Flächen, Kooperation zwischen Konfliktparteien ermöglichen und dabei zum Neustart der internen Beziehungen beitragen. Die wachsende Bedeutung des Zusammenspiels zwischen der Entwicklung von Frieden und Umweltschutz sowie der nachhaltigen Nutzung von Ressourcen wurde erst kürzlich durch die Ziele nachhaltiger Entwicklung der Vereinten Nationen bestätigt.

The article shows the excessive role of offshores in Russia, which influence many sides of social and economic development of the country. Undertaken and outlined measures for solving problems of de-offshorization of the Russian economy taking into account new tendencies in anti-offshore policy of the international community in general and certain countries in particular in 2009—2013 are characterized. The necessity of system approach to de-offshorization problem is proved, specific actions in this area which can significantly increase federal budget revenues and strengthen national economic security are also offered.

Die Abhandlung untersucht erstmals systematisch und umfassend Formen und Legitimität strafrechtlicher Rechtssetzungsprozesse in inter- und supranationalen Mehrebenensystemen. Strafrechtliche Normen werden zur Bewältigung grenzüberschreitender Kriminalität und Gefahrenlagen immer häufiger in internationalen Organisationen verhandelt oder sogar flankierend als Mittel zur effektiven Umsetzung der Politikziele übernationaler Organisationen und Gemeinschaften eingesetzt. Trotz ihrer hohen Alltagsrelevanz wird diese Entwicklung im Gegensatz zum Völkerstrafrecht weder in ihrer Gesamtheit wahrgenommen, noch sind ihre Eigenarten und Legitimationsvoraussetzungen erforscht. In der Abhandlung wurden daher zunächst die verschiedenen bei den UN, im Europarat, in der EU und der OECD ablaufenden Normbildungsprozesse herausgearbeitet, typologisiert und organisationsübergreifend verglichen, bevor im Anschluss Legitimitätsmaßstäbe entwickelt und auf die identifizierten Regelungsstrukturen angelegt wurden. Auf dieser Grundlage wurde es möglich, tiefer gehende Aussagen über Strukturen, Inhalte und materielle Finalitäten dieser Prozesse zu treffen sowie ihren legitimen Anwendungs- und Entwicklungsbereich abzustecken

The quantitative international comparison of financial structure and development involves three levels of problems: first, what is the purpose of such comparisons; second, given these objectives, what are the concrete features of the financial system to be compared; and, third, how are these comparisons to be carried out, that is, what data can be used and how should they be processed and arranged?

China's rise and the U.S. response to the perceived threat it represents to its predominance jeopardize the world order and affect international institutions. The paralysis of the WTO and the U.S. withdrawal from the WHO are the most visible examples, but not the only ones. This article presents the case of the International Monetary Fund. Quotas are the cornerstone of IMF governance. They determine each member's contribution to the institution's resources and their voting power. As the world evolves, the quota distribution needs to be adjusted. Adjustments in quota shares and thus voting powers have always been politically difficult. However, they were possible. In the early 1990s, members agreed to an increase in the representation of Japan. In the 2000s, they agreed to increase substantially the voting power of emerging economies. In contrast, the 15th General Review of Quotas concluded early 2020, failed to increase and realign quotas. The proximate cause for this was the opposition of the United States to a change in quotas. This paper argues that the U.S. decision was in large part motivated to prevent an increased influence of China. The failure to increase and realign voting powers may have long-lasting consequences. In the absence of a quota increase, the IMF will need to continue to rely on borrowed resources to avoid a drop in its lending capacity. This extension of the "temporary" recourse to borrowed resources undermines the governance of the Fund as voting powers (which are not linked to borrowed resources but only to quotas) are disconnected from member's total contributions to the Fund and to their economic weight. This may trigger a new legitimacy crisis and provide incentives for countries like China to support the development of new and competing institutions which would better represent their interests and economic weight. Such a development would undermine the complex and fragile international financial architecture.

International associations of the faithful are not new to canon law. However, as expressed in the Vatican II documents (Decrees Apostolicam actuositatem, n. 19 and Presbyterorum ordinis, n. 8) and the new universal legislation of the Church (CIC, c. 215 and CCEO, n. 18), the recognition of the faithful's fundamental right to association has contributed to the further emergence and expansion of associations of the faithful at an international level. All of the Popes since Pius XII onwards have shown significant interest in such associations. Vatican II marked a new stage in the development of associations of the lay faithful, which is reflected in the emergence of ecclesial movements, many of which are recognized by the Holy See as international associations of the faithful. Ecclesial movements are entrusted with the task of establishing themselves within particular Churches and carrying out their specific mission in ways that foster the common good of all the faithful of the diocese. ; Las asociaciones internacionales de fieles no son una novedad en el derecho canónico. Sin embargo, el reconocimiento del derecho fundamental de asociación de los fieles, recogido en los documentos del Concilio Vaticano II (Decretos Apostolicam actuositatem, 19 y Presbyterorum ordinis, 8) y en la nueva legislación universal de la Iglesia (CIC, c. 215 y CCEO, 18), ha contribuido al florecimiento y desarrollo de las asociaciones de fieles de ámbito internacional. Pío XII y los Pontífices sucesivos han mostrado un gran interés por estas asociaciones. El Concilio Vaticano II ha propiciado una nueva etapa asociativa de los fieles laicos, caracterizada por la aparición de los movimientos eclesiales, muchos de ellos reconocidos por la Santa Sede como asociaciones internacionales de fieles. Los movimientos eclesiales están llamados a establecerse en las Iglesias particulares y a llevar a cabo en armonía con ellas su tarea específica, que redunda en el bien común de todos los fieles de la diócesis.

SummaryThis article argues that there is an increasing trend of civil society resorting to civil disobedience in relation to international legal values. International law, however, has not caught up with this trend. In fact, both international law and civil disobedience can gain much from a better understanding of their interaction. The article briefly traces the record of arguments drawn from international law in civil disobedience cases, highlights the theoretical constraints of the debate, and seeks to establish some basic foundations for an international legal theory of legitimate civil disobedience.

This work examines the development of the 'grand design' and various subsequent attempts to develop a peaceful international order, and its implications for the current international peace architecture. Oliver P. Richmond argues that post-WWII liberal peace, which has aimed to balance liberty with regulation through law, democracy, human rights, and free trade, has recently given way to a retrogressive, technologically driven neoliberal peace, which is more oriented towards free trade, counter-terrorism and insurgency, surveillance, and state security. 'The Grand Design' looks at the troubled history of peacebuilding in order to consider what the next-stage, 'post-liberal peace', might look like.