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Gangstérisation et terrorisme entretiennent des liens étroits. Depuis la création de l'Organisation des Nations Unies, plusieurs de ses organes et instruments juridiques ont été consacrés à la lutte contre les multiples aspects de la criminalité internationale. Le système de sécurité collective de l'ONU, dont le Conseil de sécurité est la cheville ouvrière, est également au cœur de la lutte contre le terrorisme international. Les nombreuses résolutions du Conseil de sécurité, adoptées notamment après les attentats du 11 septembre 2001, ont visé tant à la prévention et à la répression de ce fléau qu'à encourager la coopération entre États. Son action a toutefois été critiquée, notamment au regard du respect des droits de l'homme .

The existence of confederations of democratic political parties provides an international organizational structure through which a human rights network might operate. By exchanging information and taking coordinated initiatives, there is good prospect for encouraging positive developments in human rights. Efforts at such cooperation are discussed, as are two projects which were undertaken. Initiatives are suggested to strengthen the effectiveness of these efforts.

L'intervento ha avuto ad oggetto l'illustrazione dei meccanismi di risoluzione delle controversie (corti statali; arbitrato; mediazione; protezione diplomatica) nell'ambito della nuova competenza esclusiva dell'Unione Europea in materia di investimenti internazionali (FDI). Particolare attenzione è stata dedicata al meccanismo dell'arbitrato e alle proposte di riforma del sistema ISDS, attualmente discusse in sede europea con il coinvolgimento dell'UNCITRAL.

I study the influence of minimum quality standards in a partial-equilibrium model of vertical product differentiation and trade in which duopolistic firms face quality-dependent costs and compete in quality and price in two segmented markets. Three alternative standard setting arrangements are Full Harmonization, National Treatment and Mutual Recognition. Under either alternative, standards can be found that increase welfare in both regions. The analysis integrates the choice of a particular standard setting alternative by governments into the model. Mutual Recognition emerges as one regulatory alternative that always improves welfare in both regions when compared to the case without regulation. Under certain cost conditions, both regions will prefer Mutual Recognition over all available alternatives.

The standard approach of international organizations (IOs) makes no formal distinctions between nonprofit private sector associations, known as trade or industry groups, and public interest groups like Amnesty International or Greenpeace. After all, these groups are all organized as nonprofits; they may all be characterized as nongovernmental organizations representing the interests of their memberships; and the groups all seek to advance the agendas of members by offering ideas and expertise to international officials or bodies—classic lobbying activity. Thus, most IOs offer accreditation and access to both private sector and public interest groups on equal terms, without differentiating between them. I will call this approach "interest blind" and use this essay to examine its origins and consequences. Specifically, the interest blind approach has resulted in robust participation by private sector groups, and their contributions affect the quality of deliberation at international organizations, and of information that international lawmakers receive. While there are dangers, a successful reform will not seek rigid divisions between public interest and private sector groups, as the World Health Organization has recently tried to do, but will instead capture the informational and practical contributions of all nonstate participants, while introducing more functional registration and disclosure rules.

The article introduces the main topics that this thematic issue covers. It highlights the emerging patterns of cooperation in cyberspace that have been identified by individual contributors, including at the national levels and in the working of the regional organizations. While various contributions in this thematic issue deal with different dimensions of international cooperation (e.g. legal, normative, political), this article demonstrates that they are all representative of major trends in cyberspace development, provide a valuable illustration of the patterns that we observe in the rapidly evolving digital environment, and highlight very similar challenges when it comes to finding sustainable and workable solutions that contribute to peace and stability in cyberspace.

This chapter considers the idea that international human rights law is both produced by and dependent upon crisis. Surveying the capaciousness, ambiguity, and constructedness of the concept, we position the relative weight given to particular rights in terms of their framing as 'crises'. We focus on how the idea of crisis has been differently deployed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and in the division between civil and political rights and economic, cultural and social rights to argue for a critical engagement with the language of crisis in human rights law, and to ask how that language has shaped the value and meaning of rights discourse more generally.

This chapter considers the idea that international human rights law is both produced by and dependent upon crisis. Surveying the capaciousness, ambiguity, and constructedness of the concept, we position the relative weight given to particular rights in terms of their framing as 'crises'. We focus on how the idea of crisis has been differently deployed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and in the division between civil and political rights and economic, cultural and social rights to argue for a critical engagement with the language of crisis in human rights law, and to ask how that language has shaped the value and meaning of rights discourse more generally.