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This article aims at exploring the gender gap in levels of political knowledge, with a focus on lower secondary school students in Europe. Using the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study 2009 (ICCS), we find that boys outperform girls when asked about facts, but girls demonstrate greater knowledge when asked to reason about a particular political matter. Part of the gender gap in political knowledge among adolescents appears to be a function of what is defined as knowledge. We argue for the need to include a greater variety of items to measure political knowledge, including both factual and analytical domains of knowledge. ; Peer reviewed

This paper uses Stephen Skowronek's framework for the study of presidential politics to detect recurrent leadership patterns in Canada. While institutional differences, most notably variation concerning the incumbent's time in office as well as the less fragmented institutional architecture of Canada's Westminster democracy, require some modifications, the paper demonstrates that prime ministers and presidents, in principle, face a similar leadership problem. Depending on the condition of the political regime (vulnerable or resilient) and the respective incumbent's political identity (opposed or affiliated), Canadian prime ministers – just as presidents in United States – tend to engage different leadership patterns. These insights, the paper concludes, open up interesting opportunities to put the American presidency into a comparative perspective.

AbstractThis article traces the impact of Irish political prisoners on the prison landscape in Ireland, north and south, over the past 100 years. For the post‐1969 period in Northern Ireland, it explores three different styles of prison management: reactive containment, criminalisation, and managerialism. It also examines the ways in which political prisoners sought to resist, including through strategic use of law, dirty protests and hunger strikes, escapes and the use of violence. The article then discusses the early release of prisoners under the Good Friday Agreement and the role that ex‐prisoners have played in the peace process. It concludes with some reflections on the ongoing tensions between the state and dissident republican prisoners, asking what lessons (if any) can be gleaned from the past 100 years.

Theresa May's premiership is widely acknowledged to have been a failure, but political commentators and the scholarly literature have, thus far, tended to focus on May's misuse of her agency. This article argues that May's premiership presents a particularly powerful example of the need to disentangle structure and agency when assessing prime ministerial performance. Drawing upon the work of Stephen Skowronek, it sets out a framework of evaluating prime ministerial agency in 'political time'. This is then used to show how the conditions and circumstances in which May governed limited the feasibility, increased the costs, and compromised the effectiveness of her actions in office. We argue that this confirms that May was a victim of circumstances as much as a victim of her own agency.

Theresa May's premiership is widely acknowledged to have been a failure, but political commentators and the scholarly literature have, thus far, tended to focus on May's misuse of her agency. This article argues that May's premiership presents a particularly powerful example of the need to disentangle structure and agency when assessing prime ministerial performance. Drawing upon the work of Stephen Skowronek, it sets out a framework of evaluating prime ministerial agency in 'political time'. This is then used to show how the conditions and circumstances in which May governed limited the feasibility, increased the costs, and compromised the effectiveness of her actions in office. We argue that this confirms that May was a victim of circumstances as much as a victim of her own agency.

Considerable controversy has arisen over the use in political campaigns of short, image-oriented television commercials. This study compared the effect of type (image and issue) and length (5 minute and 60 second) of political television commercials in terms of candidate evaluation, recall of commercial content, and likelihood of voting for the candidate. Issue commercials resulted in higher candidate evaluation while image commercials resulted in greater recall of content. Higher evaluation of the candidate was achieved by five-minute commercials, but no significant difference in content recall attributable to length was present. An interaction between type and length of commercials surfaced on the voting variable, and the 60-second issue commercial appeared to be slightly superior to other combinations. ; Yes ; https://us.sagepub.com/en-us/nam/manuscript-submission-guidelines

Despite interest in the impact of land use regulations on housing construction and housing prices, little is known about the drivers of these policies. The conventional wisdom holds that homeowners have an influence on restrictive local zoning. In this paper, we contend that the party controlling local government might make a major difference. We draw on data from a large sample of Spanish cities for the 2003-2007 political term and employ a regression discontinuity design to document that cities controlled by left-wing parties convert much less land from rural to urban uses than is the case in similar cities controlled by the right. The differences between governments on the two sides of the political spectrum are more pronounced in places with greater population heterogeneity and in those facing higher housing demand.

Political attitudes & socialization of 57 traditional, 54 transitional, & 49 feminist Mormon women, & 32 feminist ex-Mormon women in Utah were examined by a questionnaire including Attitude toward Authority & Attitude toward Women scales. Using t-test & chi-square analyses, it was found that the feminist groups had less conservative political beliefs & party affiliations & more liberal attitudes toward authority than the traditional & transitional women. Contrary to hypotheses, sense of personal control in the childhood family & mother's independence were not greater among feminists than among traditional women, nor were fathers more encouraging of mothers' autonomy. Feminists were, as expected, less emotionally close to their mothers. Mothers of feminists were less politically conservative & likely to work full-time. An argument for a modeling & a dissatisfaction effect is made. 4 Tables. Modified HA

peer-reviewed ; Functional Land Management (FLM) is proposed as an integrator for sustainability policies and assesses the functional capacity of the soil and land to deliver primary productivity, water purification and regulation, carbon cycling and storage, habitat for biodiversity and recycling of nutrients. This paper presents the catchment challenge as a method to bridge the gap between science, stakeholders and policy for the effective management of soils to deliver these functions. Two challenges were completed by a wide range of stakeholders focused around a physical catchment model—(1) to design an optimised catchment based on soil function targets, (2) identify gaps to implementation of the proposed design. In challenge 1, a high level of consensus between different stakeholders emerged on soil and management measures to be implemented to achieve soil function targets. Key gaps including knowledge, a mix of market and voluntary incentives and mandatory measures were identified in challenge 2. ; This work was in part conducted under the Soil Quality Assessment Research (SQUARE) Project, Reference No: 13S468 funded by the Irish Government under the National Development Plan 2007–2013. This study was completed as part of the LANDMARK (LAND Management: Assessment, Research, Knowledge Base) project. LANDMARK has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under Grant Agreement No. 635201. This work has also received funding as part of the SoilCare project from the European Union's Horizon 2020 Programme for research, technological development and demonstration under Grant Agreement No. 677407.

peer-reviewed ; This work was in part conducted under the Soil Quality Assessment Research (SQUARE) Project, Reference No: 13S468 funded by the Irish Government under the National Development Plan 2007–2013. This study was completed as part of the LANDMARK (LAND Management: Assessment, Research, Knowledge Base) project. LANDMARK has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under Grant Agreement No. 635201. This work has also received funding as part of the SoilCare project from the European Union's Horizon 2020 Programme for research, technological development and demonstration under Grant Agreement No. 677407. ; Functional Land Management (FLM) is proposed as an integrator for sustainability policies and assesses the functional capacity of the soil and land to deliver primary productivity, water purification and regulation, carbon cycling and storage, habitat for biodiversity and recycling of nutrients. This paper presents the catchment challenge as a method to bridge the gap between science, stakeholders and policy for the effective management of soils to deliver these functions. Two challenges were completed by a wide range of stakeholders focused around a physical catchment model—(1) to design an optimised catchment based on soil function targets, (2) identify gaps to implementation of the proposed design. In challenge 1, a high level of consensus between different stakeholders emerged on soil and management measures to be implemented to achieve soil function targets. Key gaps including knowledge, a mix of market and voluntary incentives and mandatory measures were identified in challenge 2.

During the George W. Bush administration, intense debate focused on the administration's interference with the work of government scientists. In this study, analyzing a May/June 2009 survey of members of the American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS), we evaluate the factors during this period that influenced scientists' awareness of political interference and their media outreach and communication activities. Controlling for demographic and professional-level influences, those members who were more liberal in their political outlook, who were frequent blog readers, and who felt strongly about global warming were substantially more likely to have heard "a lot" about political interference. However, neither ideology, partisanship, nor opinion-intensity were predictive of the various media and communication behaviors assessed. Instead, the strongest predictor was the belief that media coverage was important for an individual's career advancement. Implications for evaluating the expert community's participation in future political debates are discussed.