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thèse en co-tutelle entre les universités de Nantes (France) et d'Antananarivo (Madagascar). ; Summary : There are important pressures on forest resources in Madagascar. However, biogeographical divisions and local practices invite us to consider these pressures through regional characteristics. In the province of Mahajanga which is located on the northwest coast, coastal ways of life are based on the complementarities between maritime and land based activities and seem to be adapted to the forest environment. Materials made of plants that come mainly from surrounding wooden massifs (mangrove forests, dry deciduous forests and savannas) play an essential role for the local communities. Indeed, the descriptions of various social practices indicate levels of consumption and pressure on the wooden resource. The knowledge of this resource is based on the analyses of satellite images and on fieldwork survey conducted in forest massifs (with a particular focus on the mangrove) that are close to coastal villages. The Malagasy environmental policy, inherited from the colonial period, has considered for a long time that local use of the forest were dangerous and responsible for the presupposed degradation of the natural environment. Nevertheless, with the disengagement of the state, it becomes possible to legitimate local practices. This allows the inhabitants to perpetuate their activities while protecting their forest resources. This seems to be possible thanks to new management tools involving local communities. Through a prospective approach, a reactive management of natural resources, especially forests, is relevant for sustainability. ; Résumé : Il existe à Madagascar une pression importante sur la ressource forestière. Cependant, les compartimentages biogéographiques et les différentes pratiques locales engagent que l'on considère cette pression en tenant compte de particularismes régionaux. Dans la province de Mahajanga sur le littoral Nord-Ouest, les genres de vie littoraux reposant sur la complémentarité ...

Clusters are a dynamic collective space. Therefore, understanding the integration of organizations within this system is strategic. This research focuses on logic then insert the actors in the "pôles". Mobilized the methodology is based on the qualitative study of two cases: the "pôle" PASS and Mer based in the PACA region. Three levels of results are available. The first level concerns the identification of resources sought by the players when they enter in the pin, then a second level, capture both the intensity of ties mobilized by the actors during their insertion. Finally, drawing on the resources sought and inter-organizational linkages mobilized by different actors, a third level of results allows us to identify three logical integration: technological, economic and political. ; Les pôles de compétitivité sont un espace collectif dynamique. Par conséquent, la compréhension de l'intégration des organisations au sein de ce dispositif est stratégique. Cette recherche porte sur les logiques d'insertion des acteurs au sein des pôles. La méthodologie mobilisée est basée sur l'étude qualitative de deux cas : le pôle Mer et le pôle PASS basés en région PACA. Trois niveaux de résultats sont proposés. Un premier niveau concerne l'identification des ressources recherchées par les acteurs lors de leur entrée au sein des pôles, puis, un second niveau permet d'appréhender l'intensité des liens mobilisés par les acteurs lors de leur insertion. Enfin, en nous appuyant sur les ressources recherchées et les liens inter-organisationnels mobilisés par les différents acteurs, un troisième niveau de résultats nous permet d'identifier trois logiques d'insertion : technologique, économique et politique.

Lusophone giant of Latin America and second world's largest agricultural exporter, Brazil is an emerging country. Since the 1990s, new tools for promoting the origin of food products have been developed at the initiative of the government and civil society. Their profusion questions the interpretation and appropriation modes of international and national standards. In Europe, the origin-link and the territorial roots of local products were forged on long term and confirm the hypothesis of the social construction of quality. New World country, the first image associated to Brazil is a country where the agricultural frontier continues to move forward and therefore, a population without strong anchoring to a territory. However, the structure and modes of occupation of space are more complex. They result from the tradition of different waves of immigration, their mode of local appropriation and construction of specific identities. The construction of the origin-link also reflects the inclusion in the international market of a country that, at present, participates fully in the global economy. Thus, the promotion of origin in Brazil refreshes the perspective on Brazilian agriculture, beyond the scope of export agriculture and questioning the local and regional economy. Beyond economic interests related to the opening in the export of niche markets, the local claiming appears to be an indication of the emergence of a national market inclined to protect and promote its cultural and natural heritage; a market which makes sense for the local actors who promotes the concept of origin. ; Géant lusophone d'Amérique Latine et deuxième puissance agro-exportatrice mondiale, le Brésil est un pays émergent. Depuis les années 1990, de nouveaux outils de promotion de l'origine des produits agroalimentaires se développent à l'initiative du gouvernement et de la société civile. Leur foisonnement interroge les modes d'interprétation et d'appropriation de référentiels de normes internationaux et nationaux. En Europe, le lien à l'origine et l'ancrage territorial des produits locaux se sont forgés sur un temps assez long et confirment l'hypothèse de la construction sociale de la qualité. Pays du nouveau monde, la première image associée au Brésil est celle d'un pays dont la frontière agricole ne cesse d'avancer et donc a priori sans ancrage fort des populations à un territoire. Or la structure et les modes d'occupation de l'espace sont plus complexes. Ils résultent des traditions des différentes vagues d'immigration, de leur mode d'appropriation locale et de la construction d'identités spécifiques. La construction du lien à l'origine reflète l'insertion au marché international d'un pays qui, à l'heure actuelle, participe pleinement à une économie mondialisée. Aussi, la promotion de l'origine au Brésil réactualise-t-elle le regard porté sur l'agriculture brésilienne, dépassant le champ d'une agriculture d'exportation et interrogeant celui de l'économie locale et régionale. Au-delà des intérêts économiques liés à l'ouverture à l'export de marchés de niche, la revendication du local apparaît comme un indice de l'émergence d'un marché national enclin à protéger et promouvoir son patrimoine culturel et naturel ; un marché où le local fait sens pour des acteurs qui mobilisent l'origine.

This thesis aims to investigate on the validity of monetary neutrality hypothesis in CFA zone, in respect with the new neoclassical synthesis (Goodfriend and King, 2000) and his resurgence due to the extension of monetary unions. In short run, nominal rigidities may induce some real effects of monetary policy due to information asymmetries, prices viscosities or rigidities [Gordon (1980), Akerlof and Yellen (1977), Mankiw and Reis (2002)]. This confers a capability of managing negative effects of business cycles to monetary policy, with respect to the necessity of tying down agents expectations and knowing monetary transmission mechanism. In long run, monetary neutrality hypothesis steel holds, justifying the necessity to target and inflation rate around the natural rate of unemployment, as preconized by Milton Friedman (1968) and Edmund Phelps (1968). This inflation-unemployment trade-off, a fundamental relationship of macroeconomic models suppose for a full employment equilibrium that the medium or long run inflation target corresponds to the intersection of short run Phillips curve to the long run one: "a natural rate of inflation". The above trade-off between inflation and unemployment may seem somewhat problematic in monetary unions, due to the diversity of Phillips curves with respect to time and space. This difficulty may be overcome in an optimal currency area, as defined by Robert Mundell (1961), Ronald McKinnon (1963) and Peter Kenen (1969). Unfortunately, CFA zone has been and steel mostly a simple monetary bloc, due to the unification of exchange rate rules as pointed by Philippe Hugon (1997). For Ondo Ossa (2000), rather than standard criterion, his optimality may be found on solidarity. Chico Eboué (2000, 2002) claims the goals of monetary policy of the zone induces a bias against inflation, traducing a preference for unemployment over inflation for growth. Also, it results an exchange constraint and a reserve constraint witch induce an excessive accumulation of reserve as in currency board, ...

Under the Restoration, the liberal movement invents a new political form: the representative government. After the 1830 revolution, under the July monarchy, this system is implemented; in response, the workers and republican movements develop inclusive uses of political representation, designed to empower the represented by their association. These uses are opposed to the ones promoted by representative government: representation as an exclusive way of good government.The revolution of February 1848 opens a period during which several institutions represent the people: the Provisional government, the National Guard, the clubist movement and a workers' governmental committee. Drawing on republican and working-class uses of representation, these institutions require the participation of the represented in order to achieve their mandates. This system is put to the test on March 17th, April 16th and May 15th, and each time the issue of political representation is at the centre of the clashes on the interpretation of these events.These antagonisms then lead to the progressive creation of two conceptions of the Republic: the moderate Republic and the democratic and social Republic, based on different visions of political representation. They face off during the insurrection of June 1848, and the victory of the moderatescondemns the democratic and social Republic to be forgotten. Nevertheless, this experience is not lost: after June 1848, it is theorized Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, and it becomes one of the bases of moderndemocratic socialism. ; Sous la Restauration, le mouvement libéral invente une forme politique nouvelle, le gouvernement représentatif. Après la révolution de 1830, sous la monarchie de Juillet, sa mise en oeuvre fait naître parmi les mouvements ouvrier et républicain en construction des usages inclusifs de la représentation politique, visant l'émancipation des représentés par l'association, en opposition avec ceux du gouvernement représentatif, qui reposent sur l'usage exclusif de la représentation comme ...

International audience ; Cet article passe en revue l'innovation dans les transports en se focalisant sur les systèmes de transport et les mobilités.

Premièr version présentée au Colloque de l'AFEMAM de Strasbourg en 2005 ; The conversion of the Spanish muslims to christianity at the beginning of the XVIth century meant the disappearance of the muslim kingdoms till then headed by the christian sovereign, which served as a framework for the integration of these non-christian populations into the Monarchy. The question for the moriscos was they had to adopt not only a new religious identity, but also a new political one. Recent researches on political identities in the Ancien Régime shed a new lighty on this relationship between politics and religion and, consequently, on the morisco problem. ; La conversion des musulmans d'Espagne au christianisme, au début du XVIe siècle, signifia la fin des royaumes musulmans, entités indendantes jusque là placées sous l'autorité du souverain chrétien, qui assuraient l'intégration de ces populations dans la Monarchie. Le problème pour les morisques était donc d'intégrer à la fois une nouvelle Eglise et de revêtir une nouvelle identité politique. Le lien que les recherches récentes dans le domaine des appartenances nationales sous l'Ancien Régime permettent d'établir entre ces deux aspects place la "question morisque" dans une perspective nouvelle.

21 ; The French XIXth century is a privileged period to make Mary Queen of Scots an heroïne. Beyond endless discussions over her reign and personality, there are three topics to be investigated. Her unchanging beauty reminds us to her feminity. However, this essential quality is not enough for the Queen to reign and her beauty is threatened in the exercise of her power. Elizabeth " more Queen than woman " appears as a hybrid being with a dubious sexual identity. By contrast, male historians relegate Marie Stuart's political action " more woman than Queen ". Between her being and her doing, the main character's dilemma is finding an outcome in the misfortune linked to her femininity. This misfortune is increased by her political failure. Nevertheless women who interpret the Queen of Scots myth in a more positive light dot not agree with these conclusions. According to this view, there are two contradictory portraits of Marie Stuart. ; Le XIXe siècle français est un moment privilégié de l'héroïsation de Marie Stuart, reine d'Écosse. Au-delà des inépuisables controverses sur son règne et sa personnalité, trois thèmes peuvent être dégagés. La beauté de Marie Stuart, inaltérable, renvoie à sa féminité. Mais cette qualité essentielle, insuffisante pour permettre à la reine d'imposer son empire, est menacée dans l'exercice du pouvoir. Élisabeth, " plus reine que femme " apparaît ainsi comme un être hybride à l'identité sexuelle douteuse. A contrario, l'action politique de Marie Stuart, " plus femme que reine ", est niée par les historiens masculins. Entre l'être et l'agir, le dilemme de l'héroïne trouve sa résolution dans le malheur inhérent à sa féminité, amplifié par son échec politique. Mais cette conclusion est contestée par des femmes, qui proposent du mythe de la reine d'Écosse une interprétation plus optimiste. Ainsi se dessinent deux portraits contradictoires de Marie Stuart, selon le genre.

The study of African American Reconstruction leadership has presented a variety of unique challenges for modern historians who struggle to piece together the lives of men, who prior to the Civil War, had little political identity. The scant amounts of primary source data in regard to these leaders' lives before the war, the destruction of many documents in regard to their leadership following the Reconstruction Era, and the treatment of these figures by historians prior to the Revisionist movement have left this body of extremely important political figures largely unexplored. This dissertation will examine the life of one of Louisiana's foremost leaders, Lt. Governor Oscar James Dunn, the United States' first African American executive officeholder. Using previously overlooked papers, Masonic records, Senate journals, newspaper articles and government documents, the dissertation explores Dunn's role in Louisiana politics and chronicles the factionalization of the Republican Party in Reconstruction New Orleans. Born a slave and released from bondage at an early age, Oscar J. Dunn was able to transcend the stigma which was often attached to those who had been held in slavery. A native of New Orleans, born to Anglo-African parents, he was also able to transcend the language barrier that often excluded Anglo-Africans from social acceptability in Afro-Creole society. Although illiterate, Dunn's parents made critical strides in securing his social mobility by providing him with both a formal education and a trade apprenticeship. Those skills propelled Dunn forward within his Anglo-African community wherein he became a key figure in the community's two most important institutions, the York Rite Masonic Lodge and the African Methodist Episcopal church. This dissertation argues that Dunn's political ascent was linked to the political enfranchisement of antebellum Anglo-Africans in Louisiana, Dunn's involvement in Anglo-African institutions (particularly the York Rite Masonic Lodge and the African Methodist Episcopal church) and Dunn's ability to find middle ground in the racially charged arguments that engulfed Reconstruction New Orleans's political arena. Keywords: Oscar Dunn, Reconstruction, New Orleans, Republican, Louisiana, African American, Politics

Premièr version présentée au Colloque de l'AFEMAM de Strasbourg en 2005 ; The conversion of the Spanish muslims to christianity at the beginning of the XVIth century meant the disappearance of the muslim kingdoms till then headed by the christian sovereign, which served as a framework for the integration of these non-christian populations into the Monarchy. The question for the moriscos was they had to adopt not only a new religious identity, but also a new political one. Recent researches on political identities in the Ancien Régime shed a new lighty on this relationship between politics and religion and, consequently, on the morisco problem. ; La conversion des musulmans d'Espagne au christianisme, au début du XVIe siècle, signifia la fin des royaumes musulmans, entités indendantes jusque là placées sous l'autorité du souverain chrétien, qui assuraient l'intégration de ces populations dans la Monarchie. Le problème pour les morisques était donc d'intégrer à la fois une nouvelle Eglise et de revêtir une nouvelle identité politique. Le lien que les recherches récentes dans le domaine des appartenances nationales sous l'Ancien Régime permettent d'établir entre ces deux aspects place la "question morisque" dans une perspective nouvelle.

International audience ; The critical role of labour market imperfections is explored in climate stabilisation costs formation, using a dynamic recursive energy-economy model that represents a second best world with market imperfections and short-run adjustments constraints along a long-term growth path. The degree of rigidity of the labour markets is a central parameter and a systematic sensitivity analysis of the model results confirms this. When labour markets are represented as highly flexible, the model results are in the usual range of existing literature, i.e. less than 2% GDP losses in 2030 for a stabilisation target at 550ppm CO2 equivalent. However, when labour markets rigidities are accounted for, mitigation costs increase dramatically. Accompanying measures are identified, namely labour subsidies, which guarantees against the risk of large stabilisation costs in the case of high rigidities of the labour markets. This complements the usual view that mitigation is a long-term matter that depends on technology, innovation, investment and behavioural change. The results support the view that mitigation is also a shorter-term issue and a matter of transition on the labour market. ; Le rôle déterminant des imperfections du marché du travail dans la formation des coûts de l'atténuation du changement climatique est exploré, avec un modèle de l'interface énergie-économie, récursif et dynamique, qui représente un monde de second rang avec des imperfections du marché du travail et des contraintes d'ajustement de court terme le long d'une trajectoire de croissance à long terme. Le degré de rigidité des marchés du travail est un paramètre central, ceci étant confirmé par une analyse de sensibilité systématique des résultats. Lorsque les marchés du travail sont représentés comme très flexibles, les résultats se situent dans la fourchette habituelle de la littérature existante (c'est-à-dire moins de 2% de pertes de PIB mondial en 2030 pour une cible de stabilisation à 550 ppm équivalent CO2). Cependant, lorsque les ...

International audience ; Cet article passe en revue l'innovation dans les transports en se focalisant sur les systèmes de transport et les mobilités.

L'examen des variations de la frontière nord-est de l'Italie, limite sud de l'Europe centrale, montre que leur chronologie est plus complexe que les grandes articulations attendues, avec des plages où les coupures s'étalent, 1915-1924, Seconde Guerre mondiale prolongée jusqu'en 1954 voire de jure 1977, pour ne pas parler de 1989 et de l'éclatement de la Yougoslavie. Les coupures géographiques aussi sont multiples, avec des délimitations successives, des dédoublements (ville libre de Fiume, Territoire Libre de Trieste), des clivages renvoyant à l'appartenance à la République de Venise plutôt qu'à l'Autriche depuis le Moyen Âge et jusqu'en 1797, d'autres entre Vénètes et Ladins, Croates et Slovènes, le tout relativisant la frontière d'État. S'ajoutent d'autres clivages ne coïncidant pas, politico-étatique ou idéologique, linguistique ou ethnique, socio-économique, construits avec le temps, manifestes durant les guerres mais sous des modalités variées, débouchant sur des velléités de nettoyage ethnique sous le fascisme, sur des phénomènes du même ordre, bien plus réels, en sens inverse après 1943, malgré le jeu parallèle de choix idéologiques, malgré aussi, bien vite, la porosité de la frontière, d'où l'esquisse d'une région transfrontalière même si après 1989 des souvenirs enfouis sont revenus au jour. Au total, on a des champs de failles, ou un millefeuille chronologique, topographique et humain, comme ailleurs, mais soulignant ici de façon très évidente la complexité du réel. ; L'esame delle variazioni della frontiera nord-est dell'Italia, limita sud dell'Europa centrale, mostra una cronologia più complessa delle grandi articolazioni ovvie, con zone dove le rotture si scaglionano : 1915-1924, Seconda Guerra mondiale fino al 1954 o de jure al 1977, per tacere del 1989 et della fine della Jugoslavia. Anche le rotture geografiche sono molteplici, con linee successive, sdoppiamenti (Città libera di Fiume, Territorio Libero di Trieste), clivaggi legati all'appartenanza alla Republica di Venezia o all'Austria dal ...

International audience ; This paper focuses on how to deal with environmental problems, through the lenses of the New Institutional Economics. The emphasis is on the intertwined role of organizational solutions and their institutional settings. This is not to say that technological solutions to environmental problems should be dismissed. However, it is argued that 'environmental innovation' is often of organizational nature, deeply embedded in institutions that adapt very slowly, making 'societal transitions' particularly challenging. The New Institutional Economics provides some key concepts to explore these dimensions and their interactions, thus shedding light on alternative solutions and the conditions of their implementation. Most examples come from the water sector.

The hegemony of private motorized transport is nowadays one of the difficult problems in the field of urban transport. In the objective of urban sustainable development, sustainable transport and mobility by reducing consequences from motorized transport system (congestion, pollution, road safety, landscape degradation, the externality of non-motorized modes, social inequality, etc.) which is an essential and urgent demand in many cities in the world, including Vietnam. Hanoi is a large city in Vietnam where bikes (2 wheelers) are currently up to 80% of the daily movements of people, and public transport by bus provides only a small part of the movement of people. The people of Hanoi are living in an environment of very serious congestion and air pollution. Policies of the Vietnamese authorities to restrict private motorized modes and to encourage modal shift towards public transport and non-motorized modes (walking, cycling) have no outcome. To answer the question "why the modal shift towards the TC and non-motorized modes are not well set up" and "why the urban transport policies are stranded," as part of my thesis, I conducted surveys of household transport to the residents in Hanoi and deep interviews with experts and Vietnamese authorities hoping to have the answer in two terms: social and political. In terms of society, my investigations contribute to a better understanding of the determinants of mode choice in daily mobility of different social classes in Hanoi, to explain the reasons, barriers to a modal shift to NMT and TC for different types of travel, to know the underlying reasons of modal shift observed in some respondents. In terms of policy, I note that if the conditions of the policy are implemented or not for a modal shifts from bikes towards public transport. In the end, the objective of the thesis is also creating an analysis model of urban mobility, modal choice and modal shift, specifically for the case of Hanoi, which will form a good reference for the definition of sustainable urban ...