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The Glorious Revolution of 1688–9 transformed the role of parliament in Britain and its empire. Large numbers of statutes resulted, with most concerning economic activity. Julian Hoppit here provides the first comprehensive account of these acts, revealing how government affected economic life in this critical period prior to the Industrial Revolution, and how economic interests across Britain used legislative authority for their own benefit. Through a series of case studies, he shows how ideas, interests, and information influenced statutory action in practice. Existing frameworks such as 'mercantilism' and the 'fiscal-military state' fail to capture the full richness and structural limitations of how political power influenced Britain's precocious economic development in the period. Instead, finely grained statutory action was the norm, guided more by present needs than any grand plan, with regulatory ambitions constrained by administrative limitations, and some parts of Britain benefiting much more than others

In Bioethics in Perspective Scott Mann demonstrates the importance of issues of corporate power, global inequality and sustainability in shaping health outcomes around the world. The text develops a comprehensive ethical and practical critique of the neoliberal economic ideas which have guided policy in the English-speaking world. It explores the consequences of such policies for health and healthcare around the world, in terms of increasing health inequalities, serious food and water shortages, inadequate health care provision and the marketing of dangerous and unnecessary drugs. With clear proposals for political and economic reform to effectively address these problems, Bioethics in Perspective provides an important counterbalance to much conventional commentary on bioethics. It takes readers with little or no prior knowledge of ethics, economics or medicine quickly and easily into advanced debates and discussions about the causes and consequences of health and illness around the world.

Historians of the stabilization phase of Weimar Germany tend to identify German recovery after the First World War with the struggle to revise reparations and control hyperinflation. Focusing primarily on economic aspects is not sufficient, however, the author argues; the financial burden of recovery was only one of several major causes of reaction against the republic. Drawing on material from major German cities, he is able to trace the emergence of strong local activism and of comprehensive and functional policies of recovery on the municipal level which enjoyed broad political backing. Ironically, these same programs that created consensus also contained the potential for destabilization: they unleashed intense debate over the needs of the consumersand the purpose and extent of public spending, and with that of government intervention more generally, which accelerated the fragmentation of bourgeois politics, leading to the final destruction of the Weimar Republic

The objective of this chapter is to describe and discuss some important political journalism development trends in Denmark, Finland, Norway, and Sweden. The term political journalism traditionally refers to news, commentaries, and other genres related to the coverage of political processes, institutions, and policy questions. It is, however, difficult to draw a clear dividing line between political news and other types of current affairs coverage. While political logic once dominated the discourses of political journalism, the emergence of the news media as an independent institution gave journalists a substantial definitional power and an ability to define the communicative rules of the game, but professional political sources quickly learned to exploit news media logics for their own aims and objectives. During the last decade, the growth of social media networks and the relative weakening of the legacy media has created a less stable situation for the negotiation of control between journalists and their sources.

Social and political bots have a small but strategic role in Venezuelan political conversations. These automated scripts generate content through social media platforms and then interact with people. In this preliminary study on the use of political bots in Venezuela, we analyze the tweeting, following and retweeting patterns for the accounts of prominent Venezuelan politicians and prominent Venezuelan bots. We find that bots generate a very small proportion of all the traffic about political life in Venezuela. Bots are used to retweet content from Venezuelan politicians but the effect is subtle in that less than 10 percent of all retweets come from bot-related platforms. Nonetheless, we find that the most active bots are those used by Venezuela's radical opposition. Bots are pretending to be political leaders, government agencies and political parties more than citizens. Finally, bots are promoting innocuous political events more than attacking opponents or spreading misinformation.

"Time is widely recognized as one of the most precious and finite resources required for the accomplishment of human purposes. Within the domain of the political, time is required for almost any exercise of liberty that people seek to protect through the enforcement of social contracts, constitutions, and laws. Time is therefore inextricable from the realization of any vision of political justice. All political subjects encounter myriad ways in which their time is structured, valued, appropriated, or freed by the state. In the United States, we wait to turn 18 to acquire political voice and full representation. Then we wait again, to turn 62 or 66, when we can retire from work and receive retirement benefits, if we wish. People file taxes on April 15; redistricting hinges on decennial censuses; and prosecutors specify when crimes were committed to determine whether statutes of limitation have expired. Around us convicted criminals are punished with prison sentences of varying durations, legal permanent residents refrain from traveling for long periods of time as they seek to naturalize, and election cycles run their course only to begin anew. Despite the significance of time for the satisfaction of people's ends, the legitimate power of the state to command the time of its subjects and set a political schedule is not generally contested"--

'Encounters of discourse' is the term used to desribe this project which is the culmination of many conversations with women leaders across the Philippines. This is part of an ongoing process – a stepping stone towards a more united set of actions towards transformational politics within and outside social movements. This paper does not present a comprehensive analysis of the status and direction of women in politics and governance in the Philippines. Rather, it is a collection of reflections and insights from women leaders about the key issues and challenges of engendering politics and governance. We hope that it will contribute to the ongoing process of reflection amongst women leaders. Particularly women involved with social movements that are not solely focused on women, and on the strategies and directions of their feminist agenda within these social movements.This project aimed to strengthen women's participation in politics and governance by facilitating a processes of collective reflection, assessment, agenda building and a reorientation of strategies for women's empowerment. It facilitated a series of semi-structured group discussions and individual interviews with women leaders across the Philippines. With women and women's groups in Metro Manila, Nueva Ecija, Olongapo City, Aurora, Abra, Baguio City, Cebu, Bohol, Davao, Zamboanga and Cotabato. Conversations focused on the gains made by the women's movement, the challenges the movement now faces and future recommendations. ; Prepared for One World Action by WeDpro, Inc. and the Institute for Popular Democracy

1970s and 1980s. Cyclical pattern of Nigeria's external relations, in relation to changes in its political constitution and petroleum production.

Social or relational egalitarians try to defend democracy non-instrumentally as a constitutive element of a society where no one stands as inferior or superior to anyone else. However, they face an instrumentalist challenge from within: Why not uphold a non-democratic regime if it outperforms democracy in protecting or promoting egalitarian social relations, for example, by stably producing substantive political decisions that guard against social hierarchies? This article explores the best response to this challenge from the social egalitarian non-instrumentalist standpoint. It argues that the instrumentalist challenge can be accommodated without abandoning the essential non-instrumentalist commitment to democracy; while a nondemocratic regime may be justified under less-than-ideal circumstances as a contingently effective means to realize more social equality, democracy can nevertheless be viewed as a necessary condition for the realization of full social equality.