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This article suggests that the attacks of September 11 & March 11 -- here viewed within the context of low-intensity conflicts -- represent a new pattern of transnational "barbarism," defined by the search for spectacular effects & by its especially repulsive character. The terrorists don't seem to want to have access to the statu quo. Therefore the terrorist activities constitute a form of limited war, a sort of ideology of barbarism. It is also suggested that September 11 represents the closing of the post-Cold War transition, which opens a new phase of international politics characterized by uncertainty, new vulnerabilities, & the emergence of new transnational actors which challenge the Westphalian states' model. Lastly, the author considers that the international system is fundamentally unipolar, which transforms the United States & their allies as the main targets of those who have the most to lose from globalization. References. Adapted from the source document.

Examines relation of Islam, fundamentalism, and the West in context of the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks; argues that the economic, political, and social crisis of the Muslim world is also a perversion of those who, like Osama bin Laden, use Jihad, religious terrorism, and violence in defense against western hegemony. Summaries in English and French p. 316-8.

This article focuses on the strategic consequences of the terrorist events of 9/11, which include the new dimension of the transnational terrorism and its feature as a global threat; the end of US's "saintliness"; the increasing importance of the asymmetric conflicts; the changing of the dissuasion concept; the Importance of strategy; the changing in the Middle East balance and the consequences of the Afghanistan war. Adapted from the source document.

Mainstream media analyses and a large majority of scholarly accounts in European capitals and the US focus disproportionately on the terrorists, or the individuals and organizations involved in the War on Terror. Such mainstream analyses of 9/11 and its aftermath regularly portray citizens and countries in the global South as incapable of resisting or fighting against extremism in their own terms. This article aims to complexify the narrative of Sept. 11, extending it in time and space, and tires to think the post-11 September decade from a de-centered/postcolonial perspective -- that is, a different perspective of the dominant narratives prevalent in the power centers of the global North/West. Adapted from the source document.

This article analyses some expressions that spread around the world after the New York and Washington terrorist attacks, such as, "we are all Americans"; "the world changed after 9/11"; "the post-9/11" or "the 9/11 of...". Despite all these cliches could be analyzed with a wide range of dimensions, we use the transatlantic dimension, to conclude that the 9/11 events had changed some premises of the west liberal system and that other actors come in the international system organization. Adapted from the source document.

Examines dimensions of "culture shock" in context of the Sept. 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the US, focusing on Islamic societies' resentment, Islamic fundamentalism, concept of civilization, and other issues.

The relations between the United States & China were heading towards a second cold war before September 11. In a sense, the priority changes in American strategy & the focus on the struggle against the threat of catastrophic terrorism & nuclear proliferation created an opportunity for security cooperation between the two great powers. The Chinese strategy on "peaceful rise" is a response to this new situation aiming at consolidating external conditions favourable to China's international recovery. However, the factors of strategic competition have not disappeared & they have been aggravated by competition for energy resources & by regional rivalries not only in Eastern Asia, but also in South & Central Asia & in the Middle East. Adapted from the source document.

The media & terrorism have a longstanding relationship. Comparing the PLO high jackings in the seventies & September 11, 2001 shows us that terrorist attacks have long been deliberately planned to have an impact on the media & world public opinion. The March 11, 2004 attacks & the media had an influence on the electoral vote, especially the internet & mobile phone networks. References. Adapted from the source document.