Suchergebnisse

U kontekstu političkih, gospodarskih i društvenih promjena sredinom XX. stoljeća sustavno se ostvaruju temeljni ciljevi Komunističke partije Jugoslavije na svim razinama te dolazi do strukturnih promjena u društvu. Zadane promjene može se pratiti i preko mjera poduzetih za smanjenje broja nepismenih, što je izravno proizlazilo iz potrebe rješavanja temeljnih društvenih i gospodarskih problema. U radu se problematizira borba protiv nepismenosti u Hrvatskoj nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata. Akcijski planovi opismenjavanja stanovništva koje su sustavno provodili državni organi pokazuju da se korjenito mijenjala slika društva. Odgojno-obrazovne teme i povijest školstva XX. stoljeća u hrvatskoj historiografiji, uz određene iznimke, neistražene su kao primjerice u historiografiji XIX. stoljeća. Autori su analizom izvora i literature uspostavili tri faze odgojno-obrazovnih promjena. U ovom će se radu pratiti problem rješavanja nepismenosti preko promjena odgojno-obrazovnoga sustava i akcijskih planova opismenjavanja od 1945. do završne faze 1974., kada je donesena odluka o osnivanju Komisije za borbu protiv nepismenosti. Namjera je ovim radom doprinijeti istraživanju povijesti obrazovanja u hrvatskoj historiografiji. ; In the context of the political, economic, and social changes in the mid-20th century, a systematic implementation of the core goals of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia/ League of Communists of Yugoslavia was conducted on all levels, resulting in structural changes in society. Among other things, these changes were the result of the measures implemented in order to reduce the number of illiterates, and this was directly related to the need to resolve basic social and economic problems. In this paper, the authors examine the struggle against illiteracy in Croatia after World War II. The literacy action plans that were systematically conducted by state authorities indicate that the image of society underwent profound changes. Thus, from a bottom-up perspective, society became subject to long-lasting changes. With certain exceptions, educational topics and the history of education in the 20th century remain unresearched in Croatian historiography, especially when compared to, say, the same topics in the 19th century. Therefore, this topic represents a new beginning in research and, due to its nature, also enters the frame of social history in the second half of the 20th century. Through source and literature analysis, the authors have determined three phases of educational changes. This paper shall examine the problem of combating illiteracy through changes in the educational system and literacy action plans in the period from 1945 to 1974, when the decision to form the Commission for Combatting Illiteracy was made. The aim of this paper and this approach to the topic and problem of illiteracy through literacy action plans is to contribute to history of education research in Croatian historiography.

Uvođenje mjesnih zajednica kao samoupravnih jedinica unutar općine bilo je oblik jačanja društvenoga samoupravljanja i socijalističke izravne demokracije u Jugoslaviji te, prema marksističkoj teoriji, dio procesa odumiranja države. Začetke donosi Ustav iz 1963., no tek Ustavom iz 1974. mjesne su zajednice postale obavezan oblik samoupravnoga organiziranja građana. Zamišljene kao svojevrsne proširene obitelji, umnogome su ovisile o inicijativi odozdo i djelovanju aktivista. Rad donosi teorijske pretpostavke i praktične aspekte aktivističkoga djelovanja u mjesnim zajednicama u raznim dijelovima Jugoslavije, a na temelju analize uspostavljaju se karakteristični tipovi aktivista koji su određeni generacijskim, klasnim i interesnim odnosima. Podaci se ponajviše crpe iz onodobne literature, specijaliziranoga lista Mjesna zajednica i arhivskoga gradiva. ; After the experience with people's committees, small municipalities, and residential communities, socialist Yugoslavia began introducing local communities as self-governing units and communities of citizens within the new, larger municipalities. They were a way of strengthening social self-management and socialist direct democracy and, according to Marxist theory, envisioned as part of the withering away of the state, and therefore part of the process of de-bureaucratisation and humanisation of social relations. The foundations of the new socio-political organisation were set down by the 1963 Constitution, but it was only the 1974 Constitution that established local communities as one of the core parts of the socio-political system and a compulsory form of citizens' self-government organisation. Envisioned as something akin to extended families, they were greatly dependent on initiatives from below, on the energy, enthusiasm, and free time of interested citizens. Therefore, this paper attempts to answer the following questions: how was the concept of local communities envisioned; did citizens' interest reach the expected level, and who were the activists among them; what prompted their enthusiasm, and how did they understand their activities? Based on our analysis, we establish the characteristic types of activists determined by generational, class, and interest relations. In defining the theoretical and practical aspects of social self-government in local communities, the paper refers to the Programme of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, constitutional and legal provisions, and the theoretical tenets of the actors of that period. Our approach also considers the then and current papers from the field of administrative sciences. The everyday and practical activities in local communities are analysed based on the writings published in Mjesna zajednica (Local Community), the specialised monthly of the Conference for the Development of Local Communities, which acted as part of the Socialist Alliance of the Working People of Yugoslavia, as well as archival data from the fond of the Republican Conference of the Socialist Alliance of the Working People of Croatia.

The paper explores the strategic aim (purpose) as the main determinant of Croatian language teaching theory and practice. The research aimed to establish how strategic aims were embedded in high school curricula for the Croatian language from the 1970s to the 2020s and the extent to which they were related to teaching efficiency. Based on the literature and reflection on personal teaching practice, criteria for evaluating the strategic aim of the subject Croatian language were established. The high school curricula for the subject Croatian language from 1974, 1984, versions of the curriculum from 1990 to 1995, followed by the version from 2003 and, finally, the 2019 Croatian language Curriculum were analyzed, classified, compared and evaluated. The hypothesis that high school curricula for the subject Croatian language from the 1970s to the 2020s have not set the provision of purpose in a quality manner was confirmed. Not one of the mentioned documents met all of the criteria for defining purpose. During the socialist era, the essence of the subject was suppressed, whereas in democratic Croatia the curricula improved with respect to defining the purpose. This trend, however, was stopped with the Curriculum. ; Rad se bavi proučavanjem strateškoga cilja (svrhe) kao glavne odrednice nastavne teorije i prakse Hrvatskoga jezika. Cilj proučavanja bio je utvrditi kako su u srednjoškolskim planovima i programima Hrvatskoga jezika od 70-ih g. XX. st. do 2020. g. postavljeni strateški ciljevi i u kojoj su mjeri bili povezani s učinkovitošću nastave. Na temelju literature i refleksije osobne nastavne prakse utvrđeni su kriteriji vrednovanja strateškoga cilja Hrvatskoga jezika. Analizirani su, klasificirani, uspoređeni i vrednovani srednjoškolski planovi i programi Hrvatskoga jezika iz 1974., 1984., programske inačice od 1990. do 1995., potom ona iz 2003. g. i Kurikulum Hrvatskoga jezika iz 2019. godine. Potvrđena je hipoteza da u srednjoškolskim planovima i programima Hrvatskoga jezika od sedamdesetih godina XX. st. do ...

U radu se na temelju izvornoga arhivskoga gradiva istražuje jedan aspekt kulturne politike Jugoslavije i Hrvatske prema iseljeništvu – gostovanja glazbenih umjetnika i kulturno-umjetničkih društava u zemljama iseljavanja 60-ih i 70-ih godina XX. stoljeća. U kratkom prikazu iseljeničke službe na saveznoj i republičkoj razini daje se uvid u njezinu ulogu u formiranju i realiziranju te nadzor nad tim dijelom kulturne politike. Nastojanje Jugoslavije da ostvari organizacijski i ideološki nadzor nad tim aktivnostima dodatno je ilustriran primjerima dvojice hrvatskih popularnih pjevača – Ive Robića i Vice Vukova. ; Based on the original archives, the paper explores one aspect of the cultural policy of Yugoslavia and Croatia towards emigration—guest appearances by music artists and cultural and artistic societies in the countries of emigration in the 1960s and 1970s. The policy towards emigrants, especially 'temporary workers abroad', has been particularly important since the early 1960s, as emigration began to be perceived as a vital force, for both political and economic reasons. Therefore, the emigration service in the 1960s expanded and operated through several working bodies at the federal and republican levels, and played an essential role in the formation and implementation as well as the supervision of cultural policy towards emigrants. The idea was to maintain and strengthen the influence of self-managing socialist Yugoslavia in the 'Seventh Republic', and to neutralise the impact of political émigrés averse to the communist regime as much as possible. Music, as a segment of cultural policy, was a trump card that was known to have good reception with the audience, and guest appearances by musicians—singers and cultural and artistic societies—became very popular and frequent in Western Europe and overseas. Visits thus became a medium of ideological and promotional activities towards emigrants; organisers, performers, programs, and performances were regularly monitored by the state and Party bodies, diplomatic missions, and the State Security Service. Among the implementers of cultural policy towards emigrants, a significant role was played by the Heritage Foundation of Croatia, which operated according to the instructions of state and Party bodies, but had the best insight into the situation among immigrants and maintained continuous relations with them. Yugoslavia's efforts to gain organisational and ideological control over musical guest appearances are further illustrated through the examples of two Croatian popular singers—Ivo Robić and Vice Vukov.

U radu se analiziraju politička stajališta reformskih političkih elita u Srbiji i Hrvatskoj o ključnim pitanjima unutarnjega razvoja Jugoslavije početkom 1970-ih. Oba republička partijska rukovodstva stupila su na političku scenu u zenitu jugoslavenske reformske orijentacije i vala liberalizacije nakon Brijunskoga plenuma. Nova generacija srpskih i hrvatskih komunista zasnivala je svoje reformske programe na idejama demokratizacije i emancipacije jugoslavenskoga samoupravnog socijalizma. Borba za novi koncept Jugoslavije, tržišnu privredu, reformu Saveza komunista Jugoslavije i liberalizaciju društva povezivala je političke elite Zagreba i Beograda. Međutim, neriješeni odnosi u federaciji, skupa s porastom nacionalizma i snažnim otporom partijskih konzervativaca, određivali su krajnje domete suradnje reformskih snaga i perspektive razvoja demokratskoga i tržišnoga socijalizma u Jugoslaviji. ; This paper examines the relations between the two largest Yugoslav republics, Serbia and Croatia, through the political orientation of their leading reformist structures in the period from when they came to power in late 1968 to the forced resignation of the Croatian leadership in December 1971. Starting from the common strategic goals of the reform-oriented leaderships of Marko Nikezić and Savka Dabčević Kučar, the relations of official Belgrade and Zagreb fluctuated from alliance based on common interests, compatible constitutional and market goals, mutual defence from the arbitrary actions of the federal political centre, the need to expand the reformist base in society, the operationalisation of 'clean slate' politics, and a desire for the further liberalisation and democratisation of Yugoslav self-governing socialism to misunderstandings regarding the decentralisation of financial capital, different political methodologies, and different approaches to Tito. From the Tenth Session of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia to the Seventeenth Session of the Presidency of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, Marko Nikezić's leadership showed a much higher degree of understanding for the political challenges that were coming from the reformist political leadership in Zagreb compared to the conservatives in Belgrade, who expected that Serbia would return to the role of the key 'guardian' of Yugoslavia. Still, a change in the political course took place when Tito, using the principle of 'democratic centralism', decided to defend the decentralised state through a recentralised, monopolist party. Reformist advocates of a more decisive modernisation of Yugoslav socialism were stigmatised as a disruptive factor. For this reason, at the Twenty-First Session of the Presidency of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in Karađorđevo, Nikezić's leadership remained alone in its disagreement with the forcible removal of leading figures of the Croatian Central Committee, knowing that the suppression of the Croatian Spring would open the way towards a permanent change of course and the re-Stalinisation of political conditions in the country as well as the complication of Croatian-Serbian relations in the future.

The subject of this article are the events which took place in Yugoslavia in the 1970s, viewed primarily in terms of the scope and character of Montenegro's part in the process. It aims to point out some elements and moments as may help clarify, first, why that particular decade (1960-1970) is considered especially important in the history of the Yugoslav "socialist experiment" and why it is justified to refer to it as some sort of its "spring"; second, in what way -- i.e., through what ideas and political activities -- Montenegro participated therein; and, third, whether there is any substance to the assumption that the "communist discourse" of the time may have caused the events in the Montenegrin society and state to take the course which, several decades later, would bring forth a new "breath of spring". Adapted from the source document.

The author gives an account of the evolution of the theories of institutional design or constitutional engineering in political science in the last twenty years. This is a special branch of political science that looks into how political institutions may serve as the means of conflict management in divided societies & whether they may be constructed in such a way as to contribute to the conflict resolution, democratization & the democratic stability of societies in general. Their rise was theoretically enabled by new institutionalism & historically by the third wave of democratization of autocratic political regimes since the 1970s & particularly since the 1990s. Using several seminal works to illustrate her point, the author shows how the theories of institutional design overlap with the theories of democratic transformation, consociational democracy, liberal democracy, & others. 42 References. Adapted from the source document.

This paper considers the role of money, particularly the role of monetary analysis in monetary policy-making. During the last three decades, many central banks changed their monetary policy considerably. In the late 1970s, money & the long-run effects of its movements on inflation were in the center-stage of economic policy. Given the breakdown of the relationship between monetary aggregates & goal variables such as inflation, many countries in the world have recently adopted inflation targeting as their monetary policy regime. The direct control of money supply lost importance. Central bankers operate in an environment of high uncertainty regarding the functioning of the economy. In such a complex environment, a single model or a limited set of indicators is not a sufficient guide for monetary policy. Monetary aggregates continue to be an important indicator variable, concludes the author. References. Adapted from the source document.

The beginnings of the scientific study of international relations in Croatia precede its inauguration & international recognition as an independent state in the early 1990s. Already in the former state of Yugoslavia, there were pioneer attempts in Zagreb at serious research into the complex science of international relations. In 1962, the Faculty of Political Science was founded; one of the subjects was international relations. At the end of the 1970s, & at the same faculty, a postgraduate study program of international relations was launched. Zagreb, due to the quality & quantity of its experts & their dedicated pedagogical work, the publication of their works, & their contacts with their colleagues abroad, had the central role in the development of a modern science of international relations, not only in the former state but in the wider region of Southeastern Europe. The declaration of the independent Republic of Croatia, & geopolitical & geo-economic changes in the international environment, pose new challenges, obstacles, opportunities as well as objective needs for a new approach & the development of the study of international relations, the accompanying institutions & the publication of relevant literature. 24 References. Adapted from the source document.

U radu se govori o značenju i ulozi Ljudevita Jonkea koji je, kako se to u kroatističkoj standardologiji navodi, dugogodišnji autoritet u standardnojezičnim i jezično-političkim pitanjima u Hrvatskoj. Poseban naglasak stavlja se na njegovu ulogu u kontekstu zbivanja prije potpisivanja Deklaracije o nazivu i položaju hrvatskog književnog jezika kao i na neprihvaćanje tadašnjih vlasti same Deklaracije i osudu njezinih potpisnika. Ljudevit Jonke u tom se smislu nametnuo kao iznimna figura zaslužna za oživotvorenje njezina cilja u borbi za ravnopravnost položaja hrvatskoga jezika osobito 60-ih i 70-ih godina prošloga stoljeća. ; The paper speaks about the role of Ljudevit Jonke, who has been a long-time authority in standard language as well as linguistic and political matters in Croatia according to Croatian standardology. Special emphasis is put on his role in the context of events before signing of the Declaration on the Name and Status of the Croatian Literary Language and rejection of the document by the authorities of that time as well as condemnation of its signatories. In this context, Ljudevit Jonke imposed himself as a figure of immeasurable significance, responsible for reviving its aim in fighting for equal status of the Croatian language, especially in the 1960s and 1970s.

U ovome radu želimo ukazati na korijene Moltmannove »nove političke teologije« koje je izgradio uz J. B. Metza krajem 1960-ih i početkom 1970-ih godina s posebnim naglaskom na značenje križa u političkom i društvenom angažmanu kršćanskih vjerskih zajednica i vjernika. Moltmannova koncepcija »nove političke teologije« u velikoj se mjeri oslanja na poimanje smrti Boga koje crpi kako iz povijesti Isusa iz Nazareta, tako i iz Hegelova razumijevanja spekulativnog Velikog petka. Postavljajući veliki naglasak na smrt Boga, Moltmann je u mogućnosti križ postaviti kao radikalnu kritiku bilo kakvih obogotvorenja kolektivnih identiteta koje nameće društvo, politika i religija, pri čemu revolucionarnost križa vidi u neprestanoj kritici tih identiteta. ; In this paper, we want to point to the roots of Moltmann's "new political theology" which he initiated along with J. B. Metz at the end of the 1960s and the beginning of 1970s, with special emphasis on the meaning of the cross in the political and societal engagement of Christian communities and believers. Moltmann's conception of "new political theology" is mainly relying on his conception of the death of God which he draws from the history of Jesus of Nazareth, but from Hegel's understanding of the speculative Good Friday as well. Mainly emphasising the death of God, Moltmann was able to posit the cross as a radical critique of the divinization of collective identities that the society, politics and religion push forward. Along those lines, he sees the revolutionary potential of the cross in the critique of these identities.