Presents an upcoming research that focuses on building a theory on how states relate to emigrating people, how states are organized outside their territories, and how the emigrating people relate to their country of origin. The project will focus on countries in the Middle East with an emphasis on Turkey, Syria and Algeria. L. Pitkaniemi
The aim of this essay is to provide an overview of current research on international democratization. I start by discussing the choice of empirical indicators. Given a set of indicators -- Freedom House & Polity, which stand out as the most useful ones -- I make a graphic representation of democratic tendencies in different regions in the world. In this survey one region, North Africa & the Middle East, comes out as exceptional; here no general improvements have been made since the early 1970s. I then make an account of explanatory conditions which have proved in large-n empirical studies to play a role for democratic progress (such as modernization, access to oil, popular demonstrations & the type of authoritarian regime). I end up in a puzzle, which regards the Muslim countries. We can establish, on the one hand, that these countries clearly under-perform democratically. But on the other hand, comparative research has not managed so far to point out why that is the case. We can see a pattern, but we cannot point out an empirically solid explanatory mechanism. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.
From comparative research on the constitutional development in Central & Eastern Europe & also from the long-standing debate on whether parliamentarism or presidentialism best facilitates democracy, it is apparent that there has been & continues to be, a certain degree of confusion concerning the concepts of semi-presidentialism & presidentialism. Different scholars mean different things by the terms & therefore classify countries differently. In this article I argue that the conceptual dichotomy between pro-premiar (premier-presidentialism) & pro-president systems (president-parliamentary systems) provide the best solution to several of the problems related to categorizing constitutional types, most importantly perhaps to the presidential power dilemma. I, furthermore, employ these concepts on the post-communist constitutional systems & try to reveal patterns with regard to presidential power, geographical region & democratzsation. 6 Tables, 3 Figures, 51 References. Adapted from the source document.
Research should not support authority by asking questions of the power that is already set. Science should never be a guide to the art of deception and control. Political science should not provide solutions for legitimate power and efficiency problems. Adapted from the source document.
The Central Bureau of Statis in Sweden is gathering data on the duration of studies in arts & sci's. All S's who take an examination are obliged to fill out a questionnaire on this subject. So it is possible to compute (1) the (total - sum) duration, & (2) the net duration: time used for studies proper (all obstacles to studying such as illness, military service, part-time or full-time job, are subtracted), which gives information about the effectiveness of the study concerned. There appear to be large diff's in duration between diff combinations of subjects. I. Pipping.
Through history, performing arts such as theatre and film have been recognized as more affective, provocative and politically problematic than the written word. By studying adaptations of Bertil Malmberg's manuscript Excellensen, the aim of this article is to address the effects, problems and consequences of attempting to perform what, at the time, was regarded unmentionable. The place and time under study is neutral Sweden during the Second World War, a period saturated by elevated levels of legislation, surveillance and censorship. Recent adaptations of two controversial manifestos are also addressed, mainly in order to show that performing the unmentionable still is a pertinent and controversial issue. Adapted from the source document.
In 1870, political science was established as an academic discipline, attached to history, at the Lund University. In 1877, a chair in history and political science was created. Twenty-five years later, it was transformed into a chair in political science and statistics. In 1926, that symbiosis was put to an end and political science was awarded a chair of its own. Pontus Fahlbeck, professor from 1889 to 1917, was a historian who developed into a social scientist with broad interests: political science, statistics, economics, and sociology. Several of his books were also published in foreign languages and he had many contacts with colleagues abroad, particularly in France and Germany. However, the critical period in the modernization of political science in Lund happened just after the middle of the 20th century, with Nils Stjernquist, holding the chair from 1951 to 1983, at helm. The dependence of history and legal science waned; the influence of social science, especially in its American version, increased. The result was a modern political science department with broad interests and worldwide contacts. References.
The goal of this article is to examine what role literature played for Nicolae Ceausescu, Romania's political leader between 1965 and 1989. I focus on the period between 1968 and 1974, when the basis was laid for a cultural policy which was to be applied until the end of Ceausescu's reign in 1989. Such studies are easier to conduct today, when the archives of the Romanian Communist Party have been opened, and the protocols of Ceausescu's meetings with Romanian writers after his so called "Little Cultural Revolution" in 1971 have been published. What is especially salient is that Ceausescu saw literature, especially formalistically experimental literature, as a potential danger for his project of ideological repression of Romanian citizens. He also used literature and art in general in his struggle for independence from the Soviet Union and emancipation of Romanian identity. The results of Ceausescu's ideological turn in cultural policy were not at all positive for Romanian literature. Adapted from the source document.
The immigration of people from other parts of the world has meant new challenges to the Nordic welfare model and its fundamental idea of social integration and full citizenship. Current policy in Scandinavian countries calls for distributing newly arriving refugees between different regions and housing areas. This article examines the dilemmas created by this policy, and how such dilemmas are perceived and handled in Sweden, Denmark and Norway. With reference to previous related research, similarities and differences between the three countries' policies are analyzed at both national and local levels. The article's authors note that an immigrant policy characterized by the goal of social integration has created tensions between the ideals of integration versus the preservation of ethnic cultures, the individual versus the collective, and egalitarianism versus specialized treatment of immigrants as a group separate from the general population. Sweden, Denmark, and Norway have differed in their handling of these tensions, with Sweden opting for an approach based on a multicultural model, whereas Denmark has adopted a strict integrationist policy, including limits on the immigration of foreign residents' relatives, and Norway adopting a middle position. On the local level, the immigration policies and practices of Malmo, Arhus, and Oslo, as respective representative communities of the three countries under study, are compared. Adapted from the source document.
