Search results

The aim of the article is to describe the genesis, role, significance, conditions and effects of economic cooperation of the Visegrad
Group countries in the European Union, with particular emphasis
on their development after 2015. It presents the distinguishing features and specificity of the Group's cooperation before accession to
NATO and the EU in the context of the situation of Central Europe
and other European post-communist countries, as well as the most
important aspects of the political and economic potential of the V4
countries against the background of the EU and selected member
states. Various aspects of their economic cooperation in the region
are discussed, as well as the structural limitations of the role of the
Visegrad Group countries in the EU and related controversy. The
fi nal part contains conclusions relating to the Group's activities
with regard to the main axes of political and economic divisions in
the EU, with particular emphasis placed on economic dimensions.

Cross-border cooperation helps to mitigate the negative effects of the border and overcome the consequences of the location of border areas. The article aims to identify the ways of using the cultural and natural potential in EU Cross-border Cooperation Programmes implemented in the Polish, Slovak, and Ukrainian areas of the Carpathians. The analysis covers the existing data using the method of examining strategic documents of the Programmes: Poland-Slovakia, Poland-Belarus-Ukraine, Hungary-Slovakia-Ukraine, and Hungary- Slovakia-Romania-Ukraine, implemented in three programming periods (2004-2020). A quantitative analysis of the projects concerning the use of cultural and natural heritage, which was implemented under the presented Programmes, was also carried out. The research was used to answer the following questions: (1) what kinds of projects with the use of cultural and natural heritage are carried out, (2) are there differences in the ways of using cultural and natural heritage, (3) are there differences between the Programmes implemented in internal and external border regions of the EU. The study made it possible to establish that in the case of all the Programmes, cultural and natural values are considered a strength of the regions and are associated with significant expectations in terms of their use in the development of these areas. At the same time, it is noticed that they are used insufficiently. Activities related to the use of cultural and natural heritage were supported in all the Programmes; however, it was the method of financing that largely determined the taking of action. Traditional (typical) ways of using natural and cultural resources are still dominant.

The South-East European Cooperation Process (SEECP) was launched in 1996, however, its functioning is an ongoing research phenomenon. This regional cooperation format includes all 13 states of South-East Europe. It was established as a forum of political dialogue and consultation, where regional issues could be addressed at the highest level. One of the objectives of the SEECP was security cooperation. The aim of this article is to analyse the role of the SEECP in maintaining security in the region of the Western Balkans. This article argues that since 1996, the SEECP has been evolving and is becoming an important format of regional cooperation in South East Europe, however, it plays a limited role in maintaining the military security of the post-conflict states of the Western Balkans. From the point of view of the members of the SEECP, military security and peace could be obtained through the integration of the participants of the SEECP, in particular those located in the Western Balkans, with the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The article also shows that establishing the SEECP did not eliminate tensions and riots based on ethnicity in some states of the Western Balkans and so, the SEECP still has a lot to do in the matters of reconciliation and good-neighbourliness. The article is based on primary and secondary source analysis, case study method comparative analysis, and the historical method.

The article analyses and evaluates Polish-American cooperation in support of Ukraine after Russia's full-scale aggression in 2022. It answers the question regarding the importance of Polish-American cooperation in supporting the Ukrainian state and society. It assumes that Polish-American cooperation plays a key role in the areas of military and non-military assistance for Ukraine and Ukrainians. Both countries are among the main donors of military equipment to Ukraine, which is delivered via the territory of Poland. In addition, they put great pressure on European countries to increase military support to Ukraine. Polish-American cooperation in non-military areas is also of great importance. Poland's aid for Ukrainian refugees is crucial, and the US is involved in its delivery and financing. The US, in turn, is of paramount importance in imposing sanctions on Russia to force it to stop its aggression and in providing economic assistance to Ukraine. Poland participates in the sanctions system and strives to make them as severe as possible. Another area of Polish-American cooperation is LNG trade, which allows Poland, and potentially also other CEE countries, including Ukraine, to secure natural gas supplies after abandoning imports from Russia. During the research, interviews with American scientists and experts were conducted, and the method of analysing the content of text sources was used.

Prison service in view of total character and place of executable task is enforced affirmation of safety on purpose for with other discretional groups for optimization of operation society having cooperation. Operations related with assuring safety and there must be fitted cooperation affect for potential sources of threats new threats systematically appearing forcefully.

The fact that Poland and Ukraine share a border, the convergence of the political goals of the peoples of both countries, and the constant efforts towards the development of democracy and decentralisation of public life determine the need to intensify cooperation in various areas of the functioning of society and the economy. An important sphere of cooperation is the public sector, in particular at the level of local government. The local government cooperation of both countries was already visible at the beginning of the social and political transformations after 1990. The development of this cooperation, with varying results, took place in the 1990s and, to an even greater extent, after Poland's accession to the European Union. In the last three decades, local and regional communities in Ukraine have become an important partner for Polish local governments, both at the local and regional levels. The local government cooperation that has been implemented is based on the diversification and multidimensionality of forms and models. Some result from legal regulations, while others are based on mutual experiences, previous contacts, and sympathies of public authorities. The aim of the study is to analyse and present the conditions and forms of Polish-Ukrainian local government cooperation. The aim is also to show the barriers to cooperation and to define proposed solutions to improve partner contacts of territorial units. The local government cooperation of the two countries is undoubtedly hindered by the fact that Ukraine is not a member of the EU, and often by mutual misunderstanding and non-acceptance of historical experiences. On the other hand, common goals at different levels of social, public, and economic life are a significant factor motivating parties to increase cooperation and achieve a synergistic effect thanks to it.

Interest groups constitute a specific civil society voice in democratic politics. They operate in a situation of constant friction between two main strategic goals: keeping the organization alive and exerting political influence. This article explores both topics, examining factors conditioning the group's tendency to cooperate with others as well as the degree to which such cooperation facilitates access to policy-making apparatus, exploring the post-communist environment of four selected Central Eastern Europe (CEE) countries and three policy areas: energy, healthcare and higher education policy. The authors aim to apply and examine the interest groups' cooperation patterns from the EU level to the CEE regional level. The article finds strong support for somewhat weak cooperation between interest groups in the region. However, even such moderate cooperation clearly affects the possibility of access to both the ruling parties and the parliaments. In particular, the cooperation of groups in the field of joint statements may turn out to be a form of remedy for the weaknesses of interest groups in the region.

Aus polnischer Sicht

In this paper author examines the perception of Central Asia by contemporary Russian thinkers and scientists: "neo-Slavophiles", "Eurasians" and "Westernizers". Author established the existence of significant differences between three groups of experts in the assessment of Russia's foreign policy in relation to Central Asian states. This conclusion applies equally to the attitude of selected Russian scientists concerning China, as well as to Russia's prospects in the region.

The aim of the article is to analyse the possibility of establishing a regional gas transmission and trade center in Poland, the so-called gas hub. The gas hub is described in many strategic documents adopted by the Polish authorities in recent years. For its creation, several key elements must be met. First of all, a strong, competitive, and diversified (energy sector, heating sector, industry, individual customers) natural gas market should be established in Poland. The natural gas distribution and transmission network should be able to balance supply and demand. Domestic production of natural gas should be supplemented by stable and diversified supplies. The domestic gas markets in the region should be integrated and the connection between the systems (interconnectors) should enable the gas transmission in both directions (import/export). The purpose of this article is to verify the possibility of establishing a regional natural gas transmission and trade center in Poland and to define the potential for cooperation with selected countries of our region. Keywords: natural gas, gas hub, gas infrastructure, regional cooperation Streszczenie: Celem artykułu jest analiza możliwości utworzenia w Polsce regionalnego centrum przesyłu i handlu gazem ziemnym, tak zwanego hubu gazowego. Aby koncepcja, która opisana jest w szeregu strategicznych dokumentów przyjmowanych przez polskie władze w ostatnich latach, mogła zostać zrealizowana, musi wystąpić kilka kluczowych elementów. Przede wszystkim powinien powstać w Polsce silny, konkurencyjny, zróżnicowany (energetyka zawodowa, sektor ciepłownictwa, przemysł, klienci indywidualni) rynek handlu gazem ziemnym. Sieć dystrybucji i przesyłu surowca powinna móc równoważyć popyt z podażą surowca. Krajowe wydobycie gazu ziemnego powinno być uzupełnione przez stabilne i zdywersyfikowane dostawy. Krajowe rynki gazu w regionie powinny być zintegrowane, a połączenia między systemami (interkonektory) powinny umożliwić przesył surowca w obie strony (import/export).

The aim of the article is to demonstrate how science and researchcooperation may help to reintegrate the Baltic region in the 21st century withthe participation of Russia. This is done through the analysis of documentsand strategies of Baltic Sea regionalism in the context of the regional knowledgeregime. Attention is paid to different positionalities of the regional actorsand their narratives. The theoretical framework is secured by an analysis ofcritical junctures drawing on case studies from the years 1989-91 and 2014 andthe subsequent reconfiguration of the power / knowledge nexus. The analysisshows that this reconfiguration actively contributes to creating and changingthe content and context of the Baltic Sea regionalism as based on new symbolic,economic, and political capitals. The conclusion points to the potentialof Russia's involvement in the co-creation of the regional knowledge regimeand defines the conditions and methods of possible cooperation.

This article is a case study that presents the international cooperation of one of the 66 Polish cities with the district status - Płock, a city of average size in this category of Polish local self-governments, which, however, is not average in terms of its historical traditions. For several decades it was the capital of Poland and the historical capital of one of its regions, Mazovia. Today, it is a medium-sized city, which is very active in the international arena. For its international cooperation it has been awarded many Council of Europe awards: the European Diploma, the Flag of Honour and the Plaque of Honour. This article presents the activities undertaken by the Płock authorities which led to the awarding of these distinctions.

The aim of study was to inverstgate the preffered by young people of personal models and factors influencing them. The study was conducted in 1999 and 2011 on the sample of high school students (third class), using questionnaire "personal patterns". The results show that the choice by young people of personal models occurs in conjunction with the family, school, theachers, peers and the media. Young people from these communities draws behavioral models from the different situations of everyday life, the system of social norms and values. Young people from these communities also draws models of socialization. In particular, the mass media (according to research) is an important and attractive component of the educational environment of youth, presenting different lifestyles and value systems, used by the adolescents.