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The structural-functional features of the European political system are analyzed. The author correlates the structure and the functions of the national political system with the functionality of the European supra-national structures. The efficiency of the decision making process and the functionality of any type of political system is influenced by the level of political culture and the degree of maturity of the political actors. The need to correlate interests of different states: EU members, candidates or those in process to adhere to the EU, determines the supra-national structures: European Council, European Union Council, European Parliament, EU Court of Justice, EU Court of Accounts, European Central Bank to honor honestly and responsibly their functions, respecting democratic principles of political communication, of cooperation and co-work. In conclusion, the author states that the European political system is functional, efficient, viable due to the capacity of institutions to ensure a dynamic stability both at community level and national one. The fact that at the moment the European Union is an international political actor with legal status and its components (Member States) that share the same rights and obligations represents a unique experience, interesting for the contemporary political theory.

Unlike in most Western contexts, women's emancipation in communist Romania was a
top down processes, part of the social change platform imposed by the Communist Party. And
unlike the Romanian political regimes that preceded communism, it was justified by the latter as "natural", with women presented as integrated in all everyday life activities. Permeating throughout all layers of society, this emancipation was performed through propaganda in the written press and cinematography, as the Party used varied means to promote a positive imaginary
of women in communism. However, the difference between the Party's propaganda on women and the reality of women during communism was not only striking but had a significant impact on women's status and role in Romania even after the fall of the communist regime.

The European continent, under the urge of the events generated by the process of building Europe that has led to an enlargement of the external European Union borders towards the east, undergoes a process of alteration. No matter on which side of the EU border they may be, the citizens of the European countries are entitled to enjoy the fruit of welfare, security and freedom. The development of a coherent neighbourhood policy in Brussels becomes an imperative resulting from the need for communication and cooperation amongst people and countries.
No matter the view on the European Union external border, the dialogue on all levels of the society through the means of inter-university cooperation is a factor providing the communication needed for good neighbourhood. Thus, the stiff borders fade away. By setting up a university network comprising both partners from within and outside the European Union, a bond is established over the external border of the community. From this point of view, inter-university cooperation at the external borders of the European community turns into a promoter of good neighbourhood values.

Any reflection on the relationship between religion and politics in the Catholic thought cannot do without reminding the Augustinian distinction between the civitas Dei and civitas terrena. The goal and foundation of any just political community should be the orientation to wards the common good. In the contemporary catholic thought, Johann Baptist Metz proposes a political theology revolving around the concepts of the value of the human person, the necessary refusal, on the part of the Church, of any mundane ideology and the necessary use of the socially critical potential of theological thought. Hans Küng criticizes any politicization of theology. He insists on the development of an internal pluralism within the Church and advocates a self-limitation of the magisterial intervention in the world in the name of a necessary "eschato logical reserve". Joseph Ratzinger/Pope Benedict the XVIth , invested with the magisterial authority, relies heavily on official documents of the Catholic social doctrine. He emphasizes the necessity of founding the state on the central value of justice and its acting according to the principle of subsidiarity. In this context, the Christian faith and the Church in particular may have a pedagogical role, as it may guide reason to follow the right priorities. All three thinkers agree on the public significance of the Christian vision of society and on the fact that it may help society both by its critical and by its constructive dimension.

This article deals with the emergence of a new type of crime prevention in
interwar Romania. Inspired by the Italian school of criminal law and by the
Italian Criminal Code "Rocco" (1930), the Romanian Criminal Code "King Carol
II" (1936) formulates a new type of criminal sanctions, explicitly designed to
address and combat the social dangerousness. Regarded as a major challenge to
the classic criminal system based on free will and guilt, the "security measures"
were formalizing new types of offenders defined as such not by their criminal
acts but by their criminal potential, redefining the scope and the goal of the
criminal prevention. Major debates in the epoch reveal the possible threats this
new type of criminal sanctions and of a criminal policy orientated towards risk
prevention, seen as closely connected with authoritarian tendencies, carried for
individual freedom and the rule of law. The legal issues discussed in the epoch prove significant for the current debates regarding the negative consequences the
preventive War on Terror have for individual freedom and the rule of law.

During the communist regime, photography was a popular activity due to the existence of the Association of Photographic Artists. Its members weren't professional artists, but mostly people with technical backgrounds, and who transformed their hobby into a job. The lack of interest of Romanian artists in photography (except for a few particular cases such as Ion Grigorescu or Ștefan Bertalan) can be explained by the fact that there were no photo-video departments within the art universities and the Romanian Artists' Union (UAP), the only form of institutional organization of the Romanian artists, had no special photography department. Therefore, the photographic practice in communist Romania was linked to the Association of Photographic Artists and not to the Romanian Artists' Union. The evolution of its activity in the period between 1968 and 1978, and the impact that politics had on it transpire very well from the evolution of the Fotografia magazine, the only photo periodical of that era. This article shows that even in a creative field, which was overlooked by the Communist Party, the echoes of the official political discourse were felt, mainly after 1975. We have outlined two aesthetic trends in the mid-1970s. One was the photograph obtained by laboratory procedures, supported by a depoliticized discourse and the second was a pseudo reportage photography, namely the communist propaganda photography.

In the article, the cooperation between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union in the field of green entrepreneurship is considered as mutually beneficial in the light of strengthening the competitiveness of both economies. The author reveals such main domains of the cooperation as ecoagrofood, bio- and renewable energy. There are also highlighted the key programmes and projects as outcomes of governmental, communitarian, international and corporate efforts related to cooperation. A special attention is paid to the identification of some problems regarding the development of green entrepreneurship in the Republic of Moldova. For solving them as well as making the cooperation in the field more systematic and synergetically positive, the author suggests the elaboration of a joint RM-EU Strategy for the Development of Green economy and entrepreneurship.

This article is a case study of the Romanian Artists' Union during the Thaw as an institution potentially capable of renewal by creatively applying the rules imposed in the totalitarian communist State. The methodology used is that of archival research through the use of the concepts of Repressive State Apparatus, Ideological State Apparatus (Althusser), dispositif (Foucault), and habitus (Bourdieu). The text shows that from 1953 until 1957, in the context of similar changes in the Soviet Union, the Union of Romanian Fine Artists underwent a gradual transformation, which culminated with the change of the Management Board and a professionalization on specific criteria of the structure. The characteristics of the modern foucauldian dispositif, that the Union acquired in the period of the Thaw, remained valid in the next period, of reideologisation (1958-1963). The conclusions are that even in conditions of totalitarianism, subjects and structures can introduce creative elements into the process of reproduction of a given order, by modifying this order.

The unification process for the workers' movements was the final step for the communists in their effort to gain total control of the political power. The tactics of the Romanian Communist Party (PCR) were labeled "the salami tactics" because the party progressively eliminated all their enemies and used conjectural allies -such as the social democrats (PSD)- in order to reach their aim. This article describes the process whereby the organization of the PCR in alliance with the PSD obtained political power in the period 1945-1948 in the Ialomiţa county. The author focuses his analysis on two types of actions: the violent overtake of the local power (including mayors, police officers, governmental representatives, etc.) and the unification of the PCR and PSD in order to achieve a Single Workers' Party, in which the communists prevailed. As a result of the unification process, according to the official records, almost 7% of the population in this county was a member of the Single Workers' Party in February 1948. The Ialomiţa County is a very interesting, yet paradigmatic case, because in that period the region was a predominantly agricultural, with a small working class (2%), and the communists could not seize power by legal means. The study mainly relies upon local archival documents and upon the contemporary local media reports, which are carefully examined to discern between actual relevant data and their propagandistic content.