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Dottorato di ricerca in Storia d'Europa: società, politica, istituzioni (XIX-XX secolo) ; Alcune biografie di giornalisti, risalenti alla stagione di studi a cavallo tra gli anni '70 e '80, sono ormai accreditate come lavori di chiara valenza storica. Tra le analisi più significative si annoverano quelle sulle figure di Luigi Abertini, Alfredo Frassati e Alberto Bergamini. In questo filone vuole inserirsi il presente studio, che ha come scopo di fornire uno sguardo di insieme sulle esperienza di vita, professionali e personali, di un giornalista finora poco conosciuto, Mario Borsa. Formatosi sin da giovane negli ambienti del giornalismo milanese di matrice socialista e radicale, Borsa fu per 14 anni il corrispondente estero del "Secolo", che era considerto allora il giornale di riferimento della democrazia cittadina e nazionale. Entrata in crisi la popolarità della testata, nel 1911 egli venne richiamato in Italia per rinnovarla secondo i metodi anglosassoni e se ne assunse di fatto la responsabilità fino al 1918 quando passò a seguire i lavori della Conferenza di Versailles. Sotto la sua guida il giornale si oppose coraggiosamente alla guerra di Libia, fu tra i principali fautori dell'ingresso dell'Italia nella Prima guerra mondiale a fianco dell'Intesa e si spese attivamente per il raggiungimento di una pace giusta e durevole. Nel dopoguerra, come la maggior parte delle testate italiane, anche "Il Secolo" subì la lenta penetrazione delle forze capitalistiche e la seguente fascistizzazione. Borsa venne esautorato e costretto a dimettersi, ma potè testimoniare, i momenti cruciali dell'instaurazione della dittatura, attraverso le colonne del "Times", di cui divenne corrispondente da Milano. Antifascista della prima ora, in Italia prese parte a tutte le maggiori iniziative dell'opposizione liberale e democratica senza abbandonare mai, per quanto pericolosi, i contatti con l'antifascismo di ispirazione giellista e azionista. Continuò perciò a rappresentare per tutto il Ventennio una spina del fianco del Regime, tanto che, dopo essere stato diffidato e ammonito, venne internato nel 1940 per le sue idee, che lo rendevano un "Italiano pericoloso". All'indomani della Liberazione, il prestigio e l'integrità accumulati nel corso della lunga carriera, fecero di Borsa il candidato ideale alla direzione del "Corriere della sera". La sua conduzione del giornale di via Solferino, per quanto breve e sottoposta a diverse influenze, ebbe una grandissima importanza: si caratterizzò soprattutto per aver contribuito a ristabilire un clima di ordine e di fiducia costruttiva e per aver saputo sfatare le paure alimentate dalla propaganda monarchica favorendo la vittoria della Repubblica al referendum istituzionale del 2 giugno; un risultato che il direttore pagò nuovamente di persona, con l'allontamento. Queste sono solo alcune delle molteplici battaglie che Borsa intraprese, con coerenza personale e integrità professionale costanti, che lo fanno ricordare come un difensore intransigente della libertà di stampa, uno dei maggiori esponenti del democratismo, un personaggio che andrebbe giustamente inserito tra gli interpreti di quella che viene indicata come "l'età d'oro" della stampa, in cui i giornalisti italiani non furono solo osservatori, bensì protagonisti della storia politica e sociale del Paese. ; Some biographies of journalists, dating back to the series of studies spanning the '70s and '80s, are now accredited as works of clear historical importance. Among the most significant analysis, those about Luigi Abertini, Alfredo Frassati and Alberto Bergamini. In this line wants to enter this study, which aims to provide an overall look on the professional and personal life experience of a little-known journalist, Mario Borsa. Trained from his youth in the areas of radical and socialist journalism of Milan, for 14 years Mario Borsa was foreign correspondent for "Il Secolo", which was considered as a reference for democracy in the city and the all nation. Fallen the newspaper into a crisis of popularity, Borsa was recalled to Italy to renew it according to Anglo-Saxon's methods and to assume also its editorial responsibility in the crucial years between 1911 and 1918. Under his guidance the newspaper courageously opposed the war in Libya, was a major proponent of Italy's entry into the First World War alongside the Entente and worked actively to achieve a just and lasting peace. After the war, like most of Italian newspapers, "Il Secolo" had the slow penetration of capitalist forces first and of fascists then. Mario Borsa was ousted and forced to resign, but he could testify, the moments of the establishment of the dictatorship, through the columns of the"Times", for wich he became correspondent for Milan. Staunch antifascist, in Italy he tooks part in all the major initiatives of the opposition Democratic-Liberal and never left, even if dangerous, his connections with the Lombard antifascists of "Giustizia e libertà" or of "Partito d'azione". Therefore he always continued to represent a thorn in the side for the Fascist regime, so, after being warned, was interned in 1940 for his ideas, that made him a "dangerous Italian". After the Liberation, the prestige and integrity built up over the long career, made of Mario Borsa the ideal candidate to the direction of the "Corriere della Sera".His management of the newspaper of "Via Solferino", however brief and subjected to different influences, had a great importance because it has been characterized for having helped to restore a climate of order and confidence and for having favored the victory of the Republic to the institutional referendum; a result that the responsable paid again in person, by moving away. These are just some of the battles that Mario struggled with constant personal and professional integrity. For these reasons he should be remember as an uncompromising defender of press freedom, one of the greatest exponents of democratism, and a personality who should be rightly placed between the interpreters of what is referred as "the golden age" of the press, in which Italian journalists were not only observers, but protagonists of the political and social history of the country.

Entrepreneur, urban planner, politician, editor, the Italian intellectual Adriano Olivetti (1901-1960) proposed a novel reading view of modernity and demonstrated that an alternative way, one that was complex and disinterested in the common good, was possible. Relying on previously unexploited research drawn from Olivetti's library and various archives, this intellectual biography reconstructs the life of Adriano Olivetti looking through the lens of the specifics of his territory and his family, the scientific management, urban planning, anti-fascism, entrepreneurial activity and politics, thereby providing a global and historically-based interpretation of the man and his thought. Adriano Olivetti was born in Ivrea, in the Canavese. Situated between Aosta and Turin, this small rural town had little industry when, in the early twentieth century, his father Camillo Olivetti founded a typewriters' factory. Camillo was a socialist of Jewish origin, whose wife was Waldensian, and his son was educated in religious freedom and would become a Catholic. As an engineering student, Adriano Olivetti supported the principles of autonomy and of federalist socialism, before focusing on scientific management which he had observed in the USA. In the early '30s he became the director of the company, where he inaugurated the scientific management of mass production. He subsequently noticed that the modernization of industry, conceived as the only means to generalize the well-being, generated serious social and urban problems. As a result, as the company grew larger and conquered foreign markets, he coordinated an urban plan of the Val d'Aosta. An antifascist, he contributed to the fall of Mussolini by working with the Allies. While exiled in Switzerland, he developed a plan for the reform of Italian institutions which would set the territories at the center of politics, the "Communities" that would allow the citizens to participate more directly in the management of politics, economics, urban and social development. When in 1945 ...

Entrepreneur, urban planner, politician, editor, the Italian intellectual Adriano Olivetti (1901-1960) proposed a novel reading view of modernity and demonstrated that an alternative way, one that was complex and disinterested in the common good, was possible. Relying on previously unexploited research drawn from Olivetti's library and various archives, this intellectual biography reconstructs the life of Adriano Olivetti looking through the lens of the specifics of his territory and his family, the scientific management, urban planning, anti-fascism, entrepreneurial activity and politics, thereby providing a global and historically-based interpretation of the man and his thought. Adriano Olivetti was born in Ivrea, in the Canavese. Situated between Aosta and Turin, this small rural town had little industry when, in the early twentieth century, his father Camillo Olivetti founded a typewriters' factory. Camillo was a socialist of Jewish origin, whose wife was Waldensian, and his son was educated in religious freedom and would become a Catholic. As an engineering student, Adriano Olivetti supported the principles of autonomy and of federalist socialism, before focusing on scientific management which he had observed in the USA. In the early '30s he became the director of the company, where he inaugurated the scientific management of mass production. He subsequently noticed that the modernization of industry, conceived as the only means to generalize the well-being, generated serious social and urban problems. As a result, as the company grew larger and conquered foreign markets, he coordinated an urban plan of the Val d'Aosta. An antifascist, he contributed to the fall of Mussolini by working with the Allies. While exiled in Switzerland, he developed a plan for the reform of Italian institutions which would set the territories at the center of politics, the "Communities" that would allow the citizens to participate more directly in the management of politics, economics, urban and social development. When in 1945 ...

Entrepreneur, urban planner, politician, editor, the Italian intellectual Adriano Olivetti (1901-1960) proposed a novel reading view of modernity and demonstrated that an alternative way, one that was complex and disinterested in the common good, was possible. Relying on previously unexploited research drawn from Olivetti's library and various archives, this intellectual biography reconstructs the life of Adriano Olivetti looking through the lens of the specifics of his territory and his family, the scientific management, urban planning, anti-fascism, entrepreneurial activity and politics, thereby providing a global and historically-based interpretation of the man and his thought. Adriano Olivetti was born in Ivrea, in the Canavese. Situated between Aosta and Turin, this small rural town had little industry when, in the early twentieth century, his father Camillo Olivetti founded a typewriters' factory. Camillo was a socialist of Jewish origin, whose wife was Waldensian, and his son was educated in religious freedom and would become a Catholic. As an engineering student, Adriano Olivetti supported the principles of autonomy and of federalist socialism, before focusing on scientific management which he had observed in the USA. In the early '30s he became the director of the company, where he inaugurated the scientific management of mass production. He subsequently noticed that the modernization of industry, conceived as the only means to generalize the well-being, generated serious social and urban problems. As a result, as the company grew larger and conquered foreign markets, he coordinated an urban plan of the Val d'Aosta. An antifascist, he contributed to the fall of Mussolini by working with the Allies. While exiled in Switzerland, he developed a plan for the reform of Italian institutions which would set the territories at the center of politics, the "Communities" that would allow the citizens to participate more directly in the management of politics, economics, urban and social development. When in 1945 ...

Questa tesi intende offrire un'analisi del pensiero del sociologo afroamericano E. Franklin Frazier (1894-1962) in prospettiva storica. La ricerca si propone di tenere conto principalmente di tre elementi. In primo luogo, del ruolo svolto da Frazier in qualità di sociologo inserito nel dibattito accademico statunitense. In secondo luogo, del suo attivismo politico come intellettuale afroamericano impegnato contro la discriminazione razziale e per la costruzione di un'alleanza di classe interrazziale. Infine, della sua partecipazione al dibattito transnazionale sulla decolonizzazione e del suo legame con i movimenti anticoloniali. Tramite l'analisi di questi tre aspetti, la tesi si propone di esaminare il contributo politico e accademico di Frazier, di evidenziare i confini dei dibattiti a cui egli prese parte, nonché la peculiare posizione ricoperta dalla generazione di black sociologists ― nati alla fine dell'Ottocento e perlopiù deceduti prima della metà degli anni Sessanta ― di cui Frazier faceva parte. ; This research examines African-American sociologist E. Franklin Frazier's thought, in a historical perspective (1894-1962). This thesis focuses on three aspects. Firstly, it takes into account Frazier's role as a sociologist, within the American academic context. Secondly, it analyzes Frazier's political activism, as an African-American intellectual who fought against racial discrimination, and for the construction of an interracial class alliance. Lastly, this research focuses on Frazier's contribution to the transnational debate on decolonization, and on his ties to the anti-colonial movement. By connecting these aspects of Frazier's life, this thesis's purpose is to highlight the boundaries of these three spheres of public debate. The research also examines Frazier's peculiar position, as part of a first generation of black professional sociologists, who were born at the end of the Nineteenth century and died in the mid-1960s.

The article deals with the role that the documents gathered in the Codice diplomatico dantesco had in Dante's studies in the last century. The survey is divided into three phases, the first focused on the centenary of 1921 and the figure of Michele Barbi; the second phase, which was dominated by Gianfranco Contini, is located around the centenary of the poet's death in 1965; the last one is focused on most recent studies. The interest of the scholars for the documents has been discontinuous; multiple factors influenced the turns in the scholars' attitudes, including the relations of the various fields of research and the often conflictual dialogue between the various generations of specialists. Starting from the new interest in the documentary sources that emerged in the most recent phase, the authors calls for a new approach to the documents exploiting new tools, thus avoiding too much interference between the proper study of the documents and the self-narration Dante often offers in his writings. ; L'articolo si concentra sul posto che i documenti raccolti nel Codice diplomatico dantesco ha avuto nella storia degli studi danteschi nell'arco dell'ultimo secolo. Questa storia è scandita in tre quadri, il primo incentrato sul centenario del 1921 e sulla figura di Michele Barbi; la seconda fase, dominata da Gianfranco Contini, è collocata intorno al centenario della morte nel 1965; l'ultima fase è quella più recente. Il rapporto degli studiosi con i documenti è stato incostante, ed è cambiato in relazione a fattori molteplici, tra cui il rapporto tra i vari campi disciplinari e le generazioni degli studiosi e il loro rapporto reciproco, anche politico. Sulla base del nuovo interesse per le fonti documentarie che emerge negli studî più recenti, gli autori propongono di tornare a studiare più da vicino e con strumenti nuovi i documenti che riguardano Dante e la sua famiglia, cercando di fare attenzione a non far interferire troppo lo studio dei documenti con l'autonarrazione che Dante propone della sua biografia.

Statesmen; Turkey; biography

Armenians; Turkey; biography

Businessmen; Turkey; biography

Socialists; Turkey; Fatsa; biography