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Autor je u radu, na temelju dostupnih izvora, literature, sjećanja najbližih i suradnika fragmentarno prikazao život i rad prvog bjelovarsko-bilogorskoga župana Tihomira Trnskog. Njegovo je djelovanje kao profesora, branitelja, gospodarstvenika i političara 80-ih i 90-ih godina 20. stoljeća ostalo u sjećanju stanovnika grada Bjelovara i bjelovarskoga kraja. Vrijednost Tihomirovoga rada ogledala se prvenstveno u ljubavi prema struci, domovini i napretku svoga kraja. ; In this paper, the author has – based on available sources, literature, memories of his closest family members and associates – presented in fragments the life and work of the first Bjelovar-Bilogora county head Tihomir Trnski. His activities as teacher, war veteran, economic expert and politician in the 1980s and the 1990s have been well remembered by the inhabitants of the town of Bjelovar and its surroundings. The value of Tihomir Trnski's work is primarily reflected in the love for his profession, his homeland and the progress of his native region.

U članku je istražena biografija križevačkog ilirca i plemića Nikole Zdenčaja (1775–1854), pri čemu je naglasak stavljen na njegovo političko i kulturno djelovanje. Nikola Zdenčaj je tek rijetko bio u središtu znanstvenih i/ili stručnih istraživanja, pa će u ovom članku biti istražen i potvrđen njegov politički put u sklopu Ilirskog pokreta (Hrvatskog narodnog preporoda), a bit će pojašnjene i neke nejasnoće, kao i nedovoljno utvrđene činjenice. Cilj članka je, dakle, taj da osvijetli ulogu Nikole Zdenčaja tijekom Hrvatskog narodnog preporoda, ali i taj da osvijetli poziciju koju taj ilirac danas ima u historiografiji. ; This article explores the biography of an Illyrian and nobleman Nikola Zdenčaj (1775–1854), emphasizing his political and cultural activities. Nikola Zdenčaj was rarely at the centre of scientific and/or professional research, so this article will explore and confirm his political path within the Illyrian movement (Croatian National Revival), while also clarifying some ambiguities and insufficiently established facts. Therefore, this article aims to shed light on the role of Nikola Zdenčaj during the Croatian National Revival, as well as on the Illyrian's position in today's historiography.

Nicolae Ceauşescu was born in 1918 and he died in 1989. Due to the extraordinary changes that the Romanian society witnessed during his time, the biography of this son of the peasantry may be re-signified in several vastly contradictory ways. For all intents and purposes however, he may be placed in the category of "professional revolutionaries", an extremely positive valuation within the contemporary Leninist ideology. Once in contact with the illegal communist movement, Ceauşescu became an outlaw, practically from the age of 15. The aftermath of WWII thrust him at the core of decision-making and at the focal point of Romanian power, a position he retained uninterruptedly until three days before his death. He held absolute power for nearly a quarter of a century. His atypical biography also dwindled his already scarce grasp of reality. The propaganda that had sustained the cult for "professional revolutionaries", and -during the final decades- the cult of his own personality determined grave distortions in his social perception, leading, in the "Ceauşescu case", to the "ultimate solution".

Autori su pripremili za objavljivanje Političke uspomene Stjepana Zagorca, u kojima se taj istaknuti političar te katolički i starokatolički svećenik najviše osvrnuo na djelovanje Frana Supila. U uvodnome su dijelu analizirali Zagorčevu biografiju i kontekst u kojemu je izgradio svoju političku karijeru. Povezali su njegov politički put s ulogom Frana Supila, koji je u znatnoj mjeri pridonio promjenama u razvoju hrvatske politike na početku 20. stoljeća. Političke uspomene sagledali su kao prilog očuvanju sjećanja na Supila u javnoj memoriji međuratne Jugoslavije. ; The authors prepared the study Political Memories by Stjepan Zagorac for print. In this biography, this prominent politician and catholic / old catholic priest mostly focuses on Frano Supilo's work. In the introduction of the article, the authors analyse the biography and the context in which Zagorac built his political career. They point out his evolution (Christian socialism, being a member of various Party of Right groups and standing by the January Sixth Regime). The authors make a connection between Zagorac's political path and the role Frano Supilo played in significantly contributing to the changes in Croatian politics at the beginning of the 20th century. The memories confirm the connection between Zagorac and Supilo on the arrangement around drawing up the Rijeka Resolution, creating a Croat-Serb coalition and specific methods of communicating with Hungarian politicians. Despite the differences appearing in their relationship after 1908, they shared their opinions on using party concentrations, as well as on changing the dualistic system in the Austro- -Hungarian Monarchy which slowed down Croatia's development. The authors also saw Political memories as an opportunity to preserve more accounts about Frano Supilo in the public memory of interwar Yugoslavia.

Starting from the case of Ion Irimescu, this article discusses the issue of continuity among Romanian visual artists before and after 1944. In this study, I argue that it was essential for the visual artists' survival and establishment as artists during the communist regime to enter into a clientpatron relationship. The existence of this relationship meant access for the artists to financial funds, promotion within the UAP, and protection from the measures, which the Securitate could have taken against them. This article is divided into four sections. Every section examines an episode from the life of Ion Irimescu. His interwar biography is presented in the first section, and his adaptation to the communist regime is the subject of the second part of this study. The last two parts analyse the factors which facilitated his confirmation and promotion as a state artist after 1944 and the relation of the artist with the Securitate.

This study depicts the biography of a young communist (Ion Călin) who volunteered for the International Brigades in Spain, and thus it features - within the historiography of the topic -
the destinies of the antifascist Romanian combatants. Since the vast majority of these combatants was composed of members and supporters of PCdR, the regime of popular democracy honored
and glorified them after March 6, 1945, in the same vein as those Communist inlanders who were
repressed by the "bourgeois regime". The Romanian Communists who fought in the French Resistance received a similar follow-up. After 1989, the names of the Romanian volunteers who had joined the Spanish Republicans' cause went in the shadow due to their political affiliation to a party utterly compromised in the eye of the public.
This study also deals with a broader context, including international politics, the reasons
behind such an enthusiasm binding young people to go abroad to a front at over 2.000 km, the social
strata they derived from, PCdR's efforts to organize and send combatants across the borders, Ion Călin's clandestine journey to the Iberian peninsula (via Czechoslovakia, Austria, Switzerland, or France), as well as aspects and details of the fights of which he was a part of during the war.

U radu se analizira slika Josipa Lalića Poljubac Perasta, nastala oko 1930. za Associazione Nazionale Dalmata u Rimu, prema njezinoj kopiji iz Muzeja grada Perasta u Crnoj Gori. Il bacio di Perasto sažima kompleksnu umjetnikovu biografiju, opus i ideološka uporišta, kao i tradiciju talijanskog historijskog slikarstva 19. stoljeća. Dok se u dijelu suvremene talijanske literature ova slika pokušava prikazati kao simbol povijesnog, ideološkog i kulturnog kontinuiteta, u ovom radu ona se tumači kao pseudopovijesni konstrukt utemeljen na političkoj agendi vremena u kojem je nastala. ; The paper analyzes the painting by Josip Lalić Kiss of Perast, created around 1930 for the Associazione Nazionale Dalmata in Rome, according to its copy in the Perast Museum in Montenegro. Il bacio di Perasto summarizes the artist's complex biography, his oeuvre and ideological strongholds, as well as the tradition of Italian history painting of the 19th century. While contemporary Italian literature to a certain extent presents this painting as a symbol of historical, ideological and cultural continuity, in this paper it is interpreted as a pseudo-history construct based on the political agenda of the time in which it was created.

This study depicts the biography of a young communist (Ion Călin) who volunteered for the International Brigades in Spain, and thus it features – within the historiography of the topic – the destinies of the antifascist Romanian combatants. Since the vast majority of these combatants was composed of members and supporters of PCdR, the regime of popular democracy honored and glorified them after March 6, 1945, in the same vein as those Communist inlanders who were repressed by the "bourgeois regime". The Romanian Communists who fought in the French Resistance received a similar treatment. After 1989, the names of the Romanian volunteers who had joined the cause of the Spanish Republicans went in the shadow due to their political affiliation to a party utterly compromised in the eye of the public. This study also deals with a broader context, including international politics, the reasons behind such an enthusiasm binding young people to go abroad to a front at over 2.000 km, the social strata they derived from, PCdR's efforts to organize and send combatants across the borders, Ion Călin's clandestine journey to the Iberian peninsula (via Czechoslovakia, Austria, Switzerland and France), as well as details of the fights of which he was a part of during the war.

Grigore N. Filipescu, engineer and lawyer, was a controversial and inconstant politician in Interwar Romania. He had passed through many political parties until 1929, when he founded his
own political organization. He was also involved in other areas, being the president of the Romanian Telephone Company, conducting the construction of the Câmpina-Constanţa oil
pipeline and organizing the first international fencing contests in Romania.

Bivšega policijskog upravitelja u Banjoj Luci i Sarajevu vlastodršci su krajem 1940. odabrali za ravnatelja zagrebačkoga redarstvenog ravnateljstva kao zamjenu za nepouzdanoga Josipa Vragovića. Svojim je iskustvom i oštrim pristupom prema neistomišljenicima političkoga poretka, prokušanim tijekom sedamnaestogodišnje policijske službe, trebao suspregnuti sve snažniju djelatnost komunističkih i ustaško-frankovačkih snaga u hrvatskoj metropoli neposredno pred početak ratnih operacija na ovim prostorima. U prilogu se nastoji približiti Vikertov profesionalni i privatni život uz iznošenje podataka o njegovoj povezanosti s onodobnim političkim strukturama, načinu ophođenja s protivnicima režima te najbližim suradnicima. Posebna je pozornost posvećena upravljanju policijom u Banjoj Luci, Sarajevu i Zagrebu, što je naposljetku i dovelo do toga da je samo nekoliko dana nakon uspostave Nezavisne Države Hrvatske postao jednom od za režim najnepoželjnijih osoba. ; Rikard Vikert (1889–1941) was the last chief of the Zagreb police before the beginning of World War II in this region. He remained at this post only for a short time. Despite this, immediately after the establishment of the Independent State of Croatia, he was declared one of the most wanted persons of the new regime. The reasons for this were related to his earlier policing activities, especially his performance as the head of the Sarajevo police (1935–1940), when he was responsible for the cruel treatment of political dissidents of the old Yugoslav regime. He was trained to perform police duties as early as the time of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, acting as part of the armed forces, i.e. the gendarmerie, immediately after the establishment of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. He was well-accepted in centralist circles because he voluntarily left the Austro-Hungarian army and joined the Serbian army at the very beginning of the Great War. In this way, he gained the trust of Belgrade's political elites, which found him suitable for larger police tasks, due to the fact he was an educated officer. From 1923, he was employed by the Ministry of the Interior, and climbed the administrative ladder within the police apparatus. He experienced a professional zenith when he became the chief of the Zagreb police, where he tried to oppose the increasingly strong attempts of members of the Ustasha and communist movements to break the old order. After the entry of German forces into Yugoslavia and the proclamation of the puppet Independent State of Croatia, he and his associates fled Zagreb, trying to find refuge in Sarajevo. There, at the end of April 1941, he committed suicide while resisting an attempt of the Ustasha police to apprehend him.

Osvrt na život i djelo hrvatskoga književnika i političara Ante Tresića Pavičića (1867. – 1949.) osvjetljuje složenost hrvatske povijesti i književnosti u kulturno- političkim mijenama. Način na koji je Tresić Pavičić prikazivan u povijesnim i književnopovijesnim istraživanjima ukazuje na nestabilnu recepciju njegove važnosti. Ovaj prilog ocrtava žanrovsku raznovrsnost njegova književnoga doprinosa povijesti hrvatske književnosti, uzimajući u obzir i njegove političke pozicije. Danas je sazrelo vrijeme za objektivnu procjenu njegova opusa, od inovativnih do petrificirajućih estetičkih opredjeljenja. Biografija i bibliografija Ante Tresića Pavičića prepleće se s kanonskim pozicijama Marka Marulića s jedne i Vladimira Nazora s druge strane. Važan za povijest hrvatskoga epa, lirike, drame, te iznimno vrijedan putopisac, on zavrjeđuje kulturološku revalorizaciju. ; The overview of the life and work of the Croatian writer and politician Ante Tresić Pavičić (1867-1949) sheds light on the complexity of Croatian history and literature in the periods of cultural and political changes. His importance was given a mixed reception judging from he way in which Tresic Pavičić was presented in historical and literary and historical studies. This article outlines the genre diversity of his literary contribution to the history of Croatian literature, taking into account his political positions as well. The time has come today for an objective assessment of his opus, from his innovative to the established aesthetic convictions. The biography and bibliography of Ante Tresic Pavicic coincide with the canonical positions of Marko Marulić on the one hand and Vladimir Nazor on the other. Being important for the history of Croatian epic, poetry, drama, and also an extremely valuable travel writer, he deserves cultural re-evaluation.

Krajem sedamnaestog stoljeća, sve više »radikalnih mislilaca« počelo je govoriti o tome da su uobičajena shvaćanja boga nekoherentna, djetinjasta i antropomorfna, zbog čega su ih njihovi suvremenici smatrali ateistima iako ih danas vjerojatno nitko ne bi tako okarakterizirao. Jedno je sigurno – definicija je ateista imala različita značenja u različitim vremenima. Znamo da su zbog toga mnogi autori anonimno objavljivali svoja djela ili su ona objavljivana nakon njihove smrti, a jedan od takvih autora bio je i Jean Meslier. On je bio svećenik koji je napisao knjigu Testament, u kojoj je razvio temeljan materijalistički i ateistički pogled na svijet. Pored toga, napao je Crkvu, kršćanstvo, Isusa, boga, aristokraciju, monarhiju, »stari režim« itd. Rad analizira povijesni kontekst u kojem je Meslier živio, njegovu biografiju i stavove o politici, crkvi, etici, materijalizmu i ateizmu. ; During the end of the 17th century, more and more "radical thinkers" began to speak about how common understanding of god was being incoherent, childish, and anthropomorphic. Because of that, their contemporaries saw them as atheists, although today probably nobody would characterize them as such. One thing is for certain – the definition of atheist had different meanings in different times. We know that many authors published their works anonymously or after their death, and one of those writers was Jean Meslier. He was a priest who wrote a book titled Testament, in which he developed a thorough materialistic and atheistic worldview. Besides that, he attacked the Church, Christianity, Jesus, God, aristocracy, monarchy, "ancient regime" etc. The paper analyses historical context in which Meslier lived, his biography, and his thoughts on politics, Church, ethics, materialism, and atheism.

U radu se uz kratki politički portret političkog djelovanja Stjepana Radića tijekom Velikog rata (1914. — 1918.) autor fokusira na jedan povijesni izvor, odlomak iz memoara člana češke Maffie Hrvata i Dubrovčanina Rudolfa Giunia koji govori o "političkom preokretu" Stjepana Radića u proljeće 1918. godine iz habsburškog legitimista u pristašu južnoslavenskog ujedinjenja. Rad razmatra kako su taj izvor hrvatska i jugoslavenska historiografija tumačile i upotrebljavale. Prema izglednim pretpostavkama hrvatski povjesničar Bogdan Krizman pronašao je taj izvor krajem 1950-ih i često ga koristio u svojim radovima, uglavnom samo prepričavajući ili sažimajući njegov sadržaj, ali nikada ga ne navodeći u cjelini ili kao povijesnu građu u bilješkama. Stoga se ovdje taj odlomak iz Giunijevih memoara, koji govori o Radićevu djelovanju u to vrijeme, zbog njegove važnosti daje na kraju ovoga rada u prijepisu. Cjeloviti memoari R. Giunia čuvaju se u rukopisu u Nacionalnoj i sveučilišnoj knjižnici u Zagrebu. ; In addition to presenting a short political biography of Stjepan Radić and his political activities during the Great War (1914 — 1918), the author of this article focuses on one particular historical source: a paragraph from the memoirs of a member of Czech "Maffia" Rudolf Giunio, a Croat from Dubrovnik, in which he wrote about a "political turnabout" of Stjepan Radić in Spring 1918 – from legitimising the Habsburg system to a supporter of unification of South Slavs. This paper examines the existing interpretation of this source by Croatian and Yugoslav historiography so far. The author argues that Croatian historian Bogdan Krizman had often used Giunio's memoirs since 1950s by retelling or summarizing its contents, sometimes without fully acknowledging it as historical source. For this reason, the author publishes this paragraph of Giunio's memoirs in full at the end of this paper. The original manuscript of Giunio's memoirs are kept in National and University Library in Zagreb.