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The paper discusses the characteristics of modern American presidential political rhetoric with special reference to Barack Obama's speeches in which he addressed the highly publicized killings of black Americans. Three of the analysed speeches contain Obama's rhetorical reaction to the judicial decisions not to indict the police officers responsible for the killings, while one speech gives his immediate reaction to the mass murder of black parishioners by a white supremacist. The study is based on the discourse-linguistic analysis of attitudinal meanings and their functions, which are conceptualized as evaluative frames. Evaluative frames are used to highlight different kinds of discourse participants through judgments of behaviour, attributions of emotions and evaluations of semiotic phenomena and objects. The theoretical framework for the different categories of evaluative frames is based on the theory of news framing and theory of evaluative language within systemic-functional linguistics. The findings of the analysis show that Obama uses an interplay of positive and negative evaluations of different kinds to transcend racial categorizations and avoid a direct attribution of blame. When he acknowledges the continuing relevance of the racial divide in US society, he often applies evaluative frames in such a way that they unify rather than divide the discourse participants on both sides of the divide. ; The paper discusses the characteristics of modern American presidential political rhetoric with special reference to Barack Obama's speeches in which he addressed the highly publicized killings of black Americans. Three of the analysed speeches contain Obama's rhetorical reaction to the judicial decisions not to indict the police officers responsible for the killings, while one speech gives his immediate reaction to the mass murder of black parishioners by a white supremacist. The study is based on the discourse-linguistic analysis of attitudinal meanings and their functions, which are conceptualized as evaluative frames. Evaluative frames are used to highlight different kinds of discourse participants through judgments of behaviour, attributions of emotions and evaluations of semiotic phenomena and objects. The theoretical framework for the different categories of evaluative frames is based on the theory of news framing and theory of evaluative language within systemic-functional linguistics. The findings of the analysis show that Obama uses an interplay of positive and negative evaluations of different kinds to transcend racial categorizations and avoid a direct attribution of blame. When he acknowledges the continuing relevance of the racial divide in US society, he often applies evaluative frames in such a way that they unify rather than divide the discourse participants on both sides of the divide. ; The paper discusses the characteristics of modern American presidential political rhetoric with special reference to Barack Obama's speeches in which he addressed the highly publicized killings of black Americans. Three of the analysed speeches contain Obama's rhetorical reaction to the judicial decisions not to indict the police officers responsible for the killings, while one speech gives his immediate reaction to the mass murder of black parishioners by a white supremacist. The study is based on the discourse-linguistic analysis of attitudinal meanings and their functions, which are conceptualized as evaluative frames. Evaluative frames are used to highlight different kinds of discourse participants through judgments of behaviour, attributions of emotions and evaluations of semiotic phenomena and objects. The theoretical framework for the different categories of evaluative frames is based on the theory of news framing and theory of evaluative language within systemic-functional linguistics. The findings of the analysis show that Obama uses an interplay of positive and negative evaluations of different kinds to transcend racial categorizations and avoid a direct attribution of blame. When he acknowledges the continuing relevance of the racial divide in US society, he often applies evaluative frames in such a way that they unify rather than divide the discourse participants on both sides of the divide. ; The paper discusses the characteristics of modern American presidential political rhetoric with special reference to Barack Obama's speeches in which he addressed the highly publicized killings of black Americans. Three of the analysed speeches contain Obama's rhetorical reaction to the judicial decisions not to indict the police officers responsible for the killings, while one speech gives his immediate reaction to the mass murder of black parishioners by a white supremacist. The study is based on the discourse-linguistic analysis of attitudinal meanings and their functions, which are conceptualized as evaluative frames. Evaluative frames are used to highlight different kinds of discourse participants through judgments of behaviour, attributions of emotions and evaluations of semiotic phenomena and objects. The theoretical framework for the different categories of evaluative frames is based on the theory of news framing and theory of evaluative language within systemic-functional linguistics. The findings of the analysis show that Obama uses an interplay of positive and negative evaluations of different kinds to transcend racial categorizations and avoid a direct attribution of blame. When he acknowledges the continuing relevance of the racial divide in US society, he often applies evaluative frames in such a way that they unify rather than divide the discourse participants on both sides of the divide. ; The paper discusses the characteristics of modern American presidential political rhetoric with special reference to Barack Obama's speeches in which he addressed the highly publicized killings of black Americans. Three of the analysed speeches contain Obama's rhetorical reaction to the judicial decisions not to indict the police officers responsible for the killings, while one speech gives his immediate reaction to the mass murder of black parishioners by a white supremacist. The study is based on the discourse-linguistic analysis of attitudinal meanings and their functions, which are conceptualized as evaluative frames. Evaluative frames are used to highlight different kinds of discourse participants through judgments of behaviour, attributions of emotions and evaluations of semiotic phenomena and objects. The theoretical framework for the different categories of evaluative frames is based on the theory of news framing and theory of evaluative language within systemic-functional linguistics. The findings of the analysis show that Obama uses an interplay of positive and negative evaluations of different kinds to transcend racial categorizations and avoid a direct attribution of blame. When he acknowledges the continuing relevance of the racial divide in US society, he often applies evaluative frames in such a way that they unify rather than divide the discourse participants on both sides of the divide. ; V prispevku so obravnavane značilnosti sodobne ameriške predsedniške politične retorike s posebnim poudarkom na govorih Baracka Obame, s katerimi se je odzval na uboje temnopoltih Američanov. Trije od analiziranih govorov vsebujejo Obamov odziv na sodne odločitve, ki so zavrnile obtožbo policistov, odgovornih za uboj, v enem od govorov pa se je odzval na množični umor temnopoltih faranov s strani belega skrajneža. Študija temelji na analizi jezikovnih kategorij vrednotenja, ki so pojmovane kot okviri vrednotenja. Okviri vrednotenja udeležence v diskurzu osvetlijo s presojami vedenja in pripisovanja čustev ter z vrednotenjem predmetov in pojavov. Koncept okvirov vrednotenja temelji na spoznanjih teorije medijske komunikacije in teorije jezika vrednotenja v sistemsko-funkcijskem jezikoslovju. Ugotovitve analize kažejo, da Obama uporablja preplet pozitivnih in negativnih vrednotenj različnih vrst, da bi presegel rasno kategorizacijo in se izognil neposrednemu pripisovanju krivde. Raziskava pokaže tudi, da Obama rasne razdelitve pogosto uokvirja tako, da udeležence na nasprotnih straneh poenoti z istim okvirom.

Abstract. The objective of the article was to evaluate
the relationship between the Covid-19 pandemic and
globalisation (GLO) and de-globalisation (de-GLO) tendencies.
Based on a theoretical evaluation of this relationship
as well as historical development, it concludes
that Covid-19 is not the mother of de-GLO but its child,
born in a completely new global context facilitating the
pandemic. The roots of the pandemic's conception are
more deeply embedded in the capitalist system, in its
principal elements (market system, consumerist development
model…). GLO as a global division of labour is
not over; the factors enhancing GLO are winning over
those slowing it down, provided that GLO becomes more
egalitarian and more human. A fully-fledged de-GLO
would be inefficient and painful. While the pandemic
is not a black swan, it could have been predicted. Such
an unprecedented crisis impersonated by the pandemic
also offers an opportunity to fundamentally rethink of
our theories, way of life and development paradigm
and, not the least, the whole system to be better prepared
for future similar crises.
Keywords: Globalisation, de-globalisation, Covid-19,
development model, anthropocentrism, system, history
of GLO, future of GLO, post pandemic

Evropska sosedska politika (v nadaljevanju ESP) je politika urejanja odnosov s sosednjimi državami EU, ki jim ni bilo ponujeno članstvo v EU. Na Južnem Kavkazu, kjer so po letu 1991 nastale države Azerbajdžan, Gruzija, Armenija, se je sosedska politika okrepila po letu 2003, ko se je spremenila politična struktura v Gruziji in, ko se je s pridružitvijo Romunije in Bolgarije EU širila še bolj proti vzhodu. Velik del »evropeizacije« te regije temelji na širjenju pojma EU »kot edino pravega« razvoja družbe s pomočjo človekovih pravic in svoboščin, demokracije, liberalizacije, urejenega pravnega reda in prostovoljnega skupnega sodelovanja ter na postopni integraciji teh držav v politični, pravni in gospodarski red EU. V magistrski nalogi iščem odgovor na vprašanje ali je ta način promocije evropskih vrednot učinkovit za povezovanje z vsemi sosednjimi državami ali pa utegne imeti negativne posledice v odnosih z njimi. S pravno, gospodarsko in politično analizo evropske sosedske politike v Armeniji, Gruziji in Azerbajdžanu, spoznavanjem njenih prednosti in slabosti, ugotavljam perspektive za prihodnji razvoj. Za oblikovanje ključnih vidikov povezovanja je pomembno poznavanje zgodovinskih, etničnih, geografskih, kulturnih in političnih razlik ter poznavanje problematike območij z velikim varnostnim tveganjem kot so Gorski Karabah, Južna Osetija in Abhazija. Države Armenija, Azerbajdžan in Gruzija se nahajajo na pomembnem območju, kjer se prepletajo geostrateški interesi Rusije, ZDA, Turčije, Irana in v zadnjem času tudi Kitajske. EU se srečuje z novimi izzivi, med katerimi vedno večjo vlogo igra njena sosedska politika do tretjih držav. Ker je v primeru Južnega Kavkaza splošno zaznati obširnost evropskih virov, t. j. dogovorov in politik (pridružitveni sporazumi, sporazumi o partnerstvu in sodelovanju, finančni instrumenti, Vzhodno partnerstvo, Sinergija Črnega morja, sporazumi po sektorjih), v nalogi ugotavljam, ali bi bilo potrebno vzpostaviti enotnejšo in s tem preglednejšo sosedsko politiko do vsake posamezne države. ; The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) is an instrument for governing relations with the EU's neighbourhood countries which are not to become members of the EU. In the South Caucasus, where Azerbaijan, Georgia and Armenia declared independence in 1991, the ENP was strengthened after 2003 with change of political structure in Georgia and after EU's enlargement further to the east with joinder of Romania and Bulgaria. A big part of Europeanisation of this region is based on promotion of the EU's values as being »the only right way« of developing societies, through strengthening human rights and liberties, democracy, liberalisation, the rule of law, voluntary cooperation and gradual integration of these countries into the EU's political, legal and economic framework. In this master's thesis I am looking for an answer to a question whether such way of promoting European values will result in cooperation with all the neighbouring countries or whether it might bring negative consequences in the EU's relationship with them. With legal, economic and political analysis of the ENP in Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan and with identification of the ENP's advantages and disadvantages, I am trying to find possibilities for its further development. Understanding historic, ethnic, geographic, cultural and political differences and understanding problems coming from areas considered major security risks, such as Nagorno-Karabakh, South Ossetia and Abkhazia, is important for developing key areas of cooperation. Countries Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia are located in the important area where geostrategic interests of Russia, USA, Turkey, Iran and recently China intersect. The EU has been facing new challenges, one of them being the increasing importance of its policy towards the neighbouring countries. As there has been a significant amount of European sources, such as arrangements and politics (e.g. association agreements, partnership and cooperation agreements, financial instruments, Eastern Partnership, Black Sea Synergy, sectoral agreements) in the South Caucasus, I am discussing in this thesis whether there should be a more unified and consequently more transparent neighbourhood policy for each partner country.

Trgovina z orožjem za marsikatere države in podjetja pomeni velik vir zaslužka. Problem je v tem, ker poleg zakonitega trga z orožjem, obstajata tudi sivi in črni trg. Zato je pomembno, da se vzpostavi celovit in učinkovit nadzor nad trgovino z orožjem. Že od leta 1978 se v resolucijah Generalne skupščine Združenih narodov omenja potreba po pogajanjih glede omejitve mednarodnih prenosov konvencionalnega orožja. Šestintrideset let pozneje je začela veljati prva mednarodna pogodba, ki celovito ureja mednarodno trgovino s konvencionalnim orožjem, Pogodba o trgovini z orožjem (PTO). V procesu nastajanja pogodbe so ves čas sodelovale tudi nevladne organizacije, saj je za vzpostavitev učinkovitega mednarodnopravnega instrumenta pomembno sodelovanje med državami in civilno družbo. PTO je tudi prva mednarodna pogodba, ki ureja prenos osebnega in lahkega orožja. Ravno slednje zaradi svojih lastnosti (enostavno za uporabo, prenosljivost, dolgotrajnost, lahka dostopnost širšemu krogu ljudi) povzroča trpljenje mnogih ljudi. Določbe PTO pa ne posegajo v že urejen sistem pridobivanja orožja, ki velja za športne strelce, lovce in zbiratelje orožja. PTO oboroževanja ne prepoveduje, saj spoštuje pravico vsake države do samoobrambe, temveč le vzpostavlja večjo preglednost nad trgovanjem s konvencionalnim orožjem med državami pogodbenicami. Posebnost PTO je izvajanje po metodi korak po korak, kar omogoča njeno postopno uveljavitev in prilagoditev njenega izvajanja dejanskim razmeram. Učinkovito izvedbo PTO preprečuje nesistematična ureditev kategorij konvencionalnega orožja, streliva in minsko-eksplozivnih sredstev, delov in sestavnih delov orožja, dejavnosti prenosa in neurejenost nadzora nad trgovino s stroji in materiali, ki omogočajo izdelavo orožja in streliva. PTO tudi ne vzpostavlja učinkovitega sistema sankcij za države, ki kršijo pogodbene obveznosti. ; Arms trade has been a large source of profit for various countries and companies. The major problem is that beside legal arms industry there exists grey and black markets. It is thus very important to set up a complete and efficient control of the arms trade. Ever since 1978, The General Assembly of the United Nations in its resolutions has emphasised the need to reach agreements on limiting the international transfer of conventional weapons. Thirty-six years later, the first international treaty that entirely regulates conventional arms trade entered into force. The Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) thus came into effect. Many non-governmental organisations were also engaged in the process of treaty making, since the establishment of the efficient international legal instruments required the cooperative efforts of countries as well as civil societies. The ATT is the first international treaty regulating the transfer of small arms and light weapons. The latter is the one whose features (easy to use, mobility, durability and easy access to a wider public) cause suffering to many people. The rules and regulations of the ATT do not interfere with the already established system of weapon acquisition that is valid for sports marksmen, hunters and weapons collectors. The ATT do not ban armaments, since each country has a legal right to self-defense. Its aim is to establish better transparency over the conventional arms trade among the states parties. The distinctive feature of the ATT is a step-by-step method, and in this way the treaty is gradually enforced and its implementation adapted for actual situations. Nevertheless, the efficient enforcement of the ATT is prevented by the non-systematic regulation of conventional arms, ammunition, munitions, as well as of parts and components of weapons. The arms transfer activities, the non-systematic monitoring of machine and material commerce that enable arms and ammunition production are also the factors that prevent the implementation of the treaty. The ATT do not establish an efficient system of sanctions against states that violate contractual obligations.