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Assesses the accomplishments of a strike in Appalachian TN as the threatened closing of the Acme Boot Co plant presented an economic crisis for the town residents. The 1993 closing of the Acme plant, the capital flight of a profitable enterprise, devastated the community. The rural workers mobilized with the help of other unions, national leadership, & other labor leaders to fight capital mobility, & although they did not save the plant, they did expose & stop a corporate tax loophole that saved Americans millions of dollars & educated the community regarding globalization, political practice, trade, & tax policy. They also revealed the powerful forces against small union efforts -- the willingness of corporations to spend heavily in combating resistance, & the unwillingness of political leaders to defend workers & the unemployed. The grassroots effort operated from an internationalist, antiracist political subjectivity that helped the coalition to work on issues of economic development policy, free-trade politics, & global poverty. L. A. Hoffman

Assesses the accomplishments of a strike in Appalachian TN as the threatened closing of the Acme Boot Co plant presented an economic crisis for the town residents. The 1993 closing of the Acme plant, the capital flight of a profitable enterprise, devastated the community. The rural workers mobilized with the help of other unions, national leadership, & other labor leaders to fight capital mobility, & although they did not save the plant, they did expose & stop a corporate tax loophole that saved Americans millions of dollars & educated the community regarding globalization, political practice, trade, & tax policy. They also revealed the powerful forces against small union efforts -- the willingness of corporations to spend heavily in combating resistance, & the unwillingness of political leaders to defend workers & the unemployed. The grassroots effort operated from an internationalist, antiracist political subjectivity that helped the coalition to work on issues of economic development policy, free-trade politics, & global poverty. L. A. Hoffman

In the past 40 years there has been an increase in second-hand consumption among consumers (Guiot and Roux 2010), since the 'shame and stigma associated with second-hand consumption' disappeared and second-hand goods became 'cool' and 'stylish' (Franklin 2011, 156). In Germany, for example, the turnover of goods sold in second-hand retail outlets is expected to increase from €1.902 mio in 2012 to €2.198 mio in 2020 (Statista n.d.). Second-hand consumption is a niche form of consumption and therefore does not correspond to the norm (Crewe and Gregson 2003; Williams and Paddock 2003). Second-hand goods can be distinguished from new goods because they are pre-used and pre-owned (Luchs et al. 2011). They are usually less expensive than new products and have some traces of wear-and-tear (Estelami and Raymundo 2012). Several forms of second-hand consumption exist. These range from 'car boot sales, charity shops, auctions, online auctions, seller websites, vintage and other second-hand shops, nearly new sales to bric-a-brac stalls run by charities or non-profit community organisations such as churches and schools' (Waight 2013a, 299). Although these places for second-hand exchange are shaped by both buyers and sellers (Gregson and Crewe 2003, 3), the professionalisation of second-hand charity shops has taken place recently. In particular, professional online platforms such as Ubup have revolutionised the second-hand market. Ubup is a second-hand retailer that buys second-hand clothes, and then checks, photographs and labels the clothes online for a professional customer experience, just as in a regular online shop for new clothes (Ubup, n.d). Second-hand shops of all forms are increasingly attempting to copy traditional retail practices (Gregson and Crewe 2003, 75).