Suchergebnisse

Among modern approaches to the scientific comprehension of the revolutionary events of the early twentieth century the concept of peasant revolution takes an outstanding place. The presented article tackles the problem of perceiving of the peasantry's ability for an independent revolutionary struggle. The article analyses the views of of the Bolshevik Party leader, V. I. Ulyanov (Lenin), and their influence on political practice in the process of the Soviet state creation.The article clarifies that for V. I. Lenin, the ability of the peasantry for an independent revolutionary struggle was quite obvious. As a consequence of the political behavior of the peasantry during the period of the revolution during 1905-1907, he concluded that there was a special type of bourgeois revolution – the peasant agrarian revolution. According to his views, the peasant revolution opens the way for a farmer type of agrarian capitalism.All the components of Lenin's revolutionary transformation program envisaged taking into account the fact of the peasant revolution. Thus, the possibility of the bourgeois-democratic revolution was assumed only in the form of a peasant revolution, the Bolsheviks' seizure of power was planned through the use of the peasant revolution, the restoration of the acquired power – through the resolute satisfaction of the interests of the peasant revolution, the construction of socialism – through the adaptation of the results of the peasant revolution to socialist progress. Given Lenin's correct definition of the peasant revolution nature, the claim about the bourgeois component of socio-economic transformations carried out by the Bolsheviks in October 1917 finds its confirmation. ; Among modern approaches to the scientific comprehension of the revolutionary events of the early twentieth century the concept of peasant revolution takes an outstanding place. The presented article tackles the problem of perceiving of the peasantry's ability for an independent revolutionary struggle. The article analyses the views of of the Bolshevik Party leader, V. I. Ulyanov (Lenin), and their influence on political practice in the process of the Soviet state creation.The article clarifies that for V. I. Lenin, the ability of the peasantry for an independent revolutionary struggle was quite obvious. As a consequence of the political behavior of the peasantry during the period of the revolution during 1905-1907, he concluded that there was a special type of bourgeois revolution – the peasant agrarian revolution. According to his views, the peasant revolution opens the way for a farmer type of agrarian capitalism.All the components of Lenin's revolutionary transformation program envisaged taking into account the fact of the peasant revolution. Thus, the possibility of the bourgeois-democratic revolution was assumed only in the form of a peasant revolution, the Bolsheviks' seizure of power was planned through the use of the peasant revolution, the restoration of the acquired power – through the resolute satisfaction of the interests of the peasant revolution, the construction of socialism – through the adaptation of the results of the peasant revolution to socialist progress. Given Lenin's correct definition of the peasant revolution nature, the claim about the bourgeois component of socio-economic transformations carried out by the Bolsheviks in October 1917 finds its confirmation.

The article subject is the relationship between the revolutionary action and the process of legitimation. The author demonstrates how revolutionaries acquire the right to new rationalization of history. The priority in this process belongs to narratives which are related to realization of the right to revolt. Each conscious revolutionary action anticipates the existence of some parallel structures of counterpower. These structures are mainly established as political views and imagined institutions. Within the process of revolution, this fundamental feature of political imagination is embodied in narratives of society-power relation, which is the basic component of the revolutionary legitimation. ; ***

The article attempts to conceptualize the «Chinese model (of reforms)» («Beijing Consensus») in the context of the rapid economic rise of modern China. Acquaintance with the published sources and literature, the pages of which reflected the different views of domestic, Western, and Chinese scientists on the announced problem, revealed that some of them perceive the Chinese model positively, others note both advantages and disadvantages, the third group almost exclusively focuses on mainly negative moments (exploitation, the polarization of society, ecological catastrophes, etc.) and often opposites the modern Chinese reality to the era of Mao Zedong, which they portray as the embodiment of true socialism. It is concluded that the high rate of economic growth in China is achieved through the strategy developed by Deng Xiaoping and aimed at large-scale economic reforms, the policy of «openness» of the country, which helped China to take a leading position in the world. The thesis is substantiated that in modern conditions the functions of the CCP (exercising supreme political power, coordinating, mobilizing, reforming, presenting) as a custodian of the official dogmas are successfully supplemented by reformist actions, which demonstrates the party's significant adaptation to the new socio-political and economic situation in China. The authors argue that Chinese foreign policy in the early XXI century is increasingly globalized and becoming offensive. In almost every region of the world, Beijing has a system of its own interests aimed at enhancing the country's political role in the world, creating favourable conditions for continuing economic reforms, gaining access to financial, technological, and raw materials. The use of a powerful arsenal of «soft power» allows China to successfully © Дем'яненко Б. Л., 2021 pursue economic cooperation without causing it political, ideological or historical problems. It was stated that China's long-term goal is to support the peaceful international environment necessary to ...

The subject of the study is the Belt may offer limited prospects as a platform for broader EU China cooperation on harder security issues in Eurasia. However, it does represent an opportunity for the EU to work towards closer development–security cooperation on a range of softer security or developmental topics. The purpose of the article.– The referral to the BRI's topic is justified by search of qualified ground from which to answer some of questions: (1) is any measure of interaction and dependence of traditional context China's stratagems' geopolitics and modern international relation principal: (2) about dreams of China elite not only about expanding the Chinese economy by acquiring resources and markets for China's exports, but also on modernizing the world's largest military force; (3) about possibility of a more aggressive Chinese foreign policy behaviour with declarations of more air defence identification zones and introductions of more oil drilling rigs and artificial islands in disputed territorial waters; (4) to advance its own diplomatic concepts and initiatives such as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and the BRICS–bank and thereby more proactively seek to shape the international system; (5) the ports, railroads of the OBOR could be used to transport China's military forces across Asia in the future in order to push pendulum of world economy to swung from West to East. Methodology of the work – For the above analysis were used wide range of sources and made different comparison but it is still very preliminary but it does support a gradual development of new thinking and a new approach in China's OBOR's foreign policy strategy under Xi that point to big changes in the way that China engages with the international system. Further research is needed and it seems especially important to focus on the implications of the domestic focus in the Chinese leadership – that is their focus on meeting the growing domestic expectations to the role that China will play in the international system ...

The third instalment of this multi-volume project presents a selection of archival sources from the time of Ukraine's Revolution on Granite in October 1990. They include telegrams sent to participants of the Revolution from supporters in different parts of Ukraine, KGB documents such as internal notes and other records, as well as transcripts of parliamentary sessions from the time of the revolution. All materials included in the volume are published in two languages: the original language of the document (Ukrainian or Russian) and in English translation.

This paper analyzed the essence of the concept of revolution. For example, the research stages of revolutionary ideas based on "Dignity Revolution" formed more concrete understanding of the concepts. Through the explication of the concept formed the essence of completed and unfinished revolution. Key words : revolution , analysis , terminology, political crisis , political evolution. ; Проаналізовано суть поняття «революція». Використовуючи приклади дослідження етапів реалізації революційних ідей на основі «революції гідності», визначено конкретизованіше розуміння цього терміна. За допомогою експлікації поняття сформовано суть завершеної та незавершеної революції. Ключові слова: революція, аналіз, термінологія, політична криза, політична еволюція.

The article deals with the analysis of P. Stebnytskyi's researches that devoted to the events of the Ukrainian Revolution in 1917–1921, and considers his works as part of the national discourse. In addition to a number of well-known works by this public fi gure («The Brain of the Nation», «Nemesis», «The Logic of Life», «On the Fire», «Ukraine in the Economy of Russia», etc.), we have included researches discovered in the archive: «The Law of Evolution and the Right of the Revolution, «A terrible heritage. (Economic and fi nancial consequences of the World War)», a draft without a name «. but a temporary Russian government .». This research uses comparative-historical, historical-typological, historical-observational, historicaldescriptive methods. In addition, a critical discourse analysis was used to analyze the journalistic heritage of P. Stebnytskyi as part of the national discourse. It is proved that P. Stebnitsky's works are important part of the Ukrainian journalism at the beginning of the twentieth century and the period of the Ukrainian Revolution in 1917–1921. His researches have nation creating and anticolonial character. P. Stebnitsky's works promoted the separation idea of the Ukrainian nation, its right to self-determination and a its own way of developing a national culture; they have followed such concepts as «federation», «autonomy», «statehood», «independence», «independence». It was established that this public fi gure found out the reasons and motives of the Ukrainian Revolution in 1917–1921, described the course of political events, considered its economic, social and cultural consequences, expressing its own attitude towards national liberation struggles.

Українська економіка поки що не характеризується таким рівнем розвитку, що відповідав би умовам країн, які входять до Європейського Союзу. Рівень життя населення в Україні й досі залишається на низькому рівні, а темпи економічного зростання поки що виглядають незначним, порівнянно з показниками, що були для неї характерні ще до кризи 2008-2009 рр. Однією з фундаментальних причин такого становища української економіки, окрім війни на сході України, є неефективна державна політика, в основі якої лежать трансформаційні процеси. Акцентовано увагу на соціальних витратах у процесі економічної трансформації постсоціалістичних країн. Зазначено, що розгляду цього питання мусить приділятися увага науковців, а також владних структур. Досліджено зміст економічної трансформації постсоціалістичних країн, зокрема України. Проведено дослідження із використанням методики порівняння особливостей розвитку постсоціалістичних країн. Розглянуто зміст категорій «соціальні витрати» та «трансформація», а також природу соціальних витрат в умовах трансформаційних процесів, що відбувалися у постсоціалістичних країнах. Результати дослідження показали відставання України від більшості постсоціалістичних країн. Наголошено, що аналіз соціальних витрат в умовах економічної трансформації має істотне значення та вирішальну роль в Україні. Метою статті є аналіз соціальних витрат економічної трансформації постсоціалістичних країн. На основі індикаторів економічного зростання та нерівності розглянуті відмінності між Україною та іншими постсоціалістичними країнами. На відміну від інших країн, Україна знаходиться серед найбільш відсталих постсоціалістичних країн, що характеризується низькими рівнями доходів, а також соціально-економічною напругою. Детально розглянуто природу постсоціалістичної трансформації і соціальних витрат. Зроблено висновки щодо поточного становища соціально-економічної системи України в контексті постсоціалістичної трансформації та рівня соціальних витрат. ; The Ukrainian economy is not yet characterized by a level of development that would meet the conditions of the countries that are members of the European Union. The standard of living of the population in Ukraine still remains low, and the rate of economic growth still looks insignificant, compared to the indicators that were characteristic of it before the crisis of 2008-2009. One of the fundamental reasons for this state of the Ukrainian economy, apart from the war in eastern Ukraine, is inefficient state policy, which is based on transformation processes. Attention is paid to social costs in the process of economic transformation of post-socialist countries. It is noted that consideration of this issue should be paid attention to scientists, as well as government agencies. The content of economic transformation of post-socialist countries, in particular Ukraine, is studied. A study was conducted using the method of comparision peculiarities of the development of post-socialist countries. The content of the categories "social costs" and "transformation", as well as the emergence of social costs that took place in post-socialist countries are considered. Кesults of the study showed that Ukraine lags behind most post-socialist countries, which is accompanied by high social costs for the population. It is emphasized that the analysis of social costs in the context of economic transformation is essential and crucial in Ukraine. Based on indicators of economic growth and inequality, the differences between Ukraine and other post-socialist countries are considered. The aim of the article is to analyze the social costs of economic transformation of post-socialist countries. Unlike other countries, Ukraine is among the most backward post-socialist countries, characterized by low income levels and socio-economic tensions. The nature of post-socialist transformation and social costs is considered in detail. Conclusions are made on the current situation of socio-economic system in Ukraine in the context of post-socialist transformation and the level of social spending.

The article is devoted to the problems of political leadership. Currently, the leaders of many countries in Europe, Asia and America claim to be the true leaders of their countries. As everyone knows, not everyone succeeds. The authors of this publication have attempted to determine the determinants and parameters of a successful manager of the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, choosing an unusual example - the Cuban, by no means the democrat, the partriot of his country, Comandante en Jefe by Fidel Castro. The article shows how, as a result of bold management decisions and the use of marketing technologies, this politician achieved complete independence of his small and weak country. The influence of the personality of Fidel Castro on the historical and political processes in Latin America and the system of relations between the socialist countries is examined. A description is given of the stages of the emergence of socialism in Cuba and the successful actions of the leader of the country to protect the achievements of the world socialist system after it disintegrated. It is pointed out that unlike European countries, socialism was not brought to Cuba on bayonets - it was an informed and free choice. An estimation is given to the creative methods used by Castro to overcome the crisis in the early 90s - the rectification and philosophy of the special period, and also the results of their application in some branches of the national economy-pharmacology, medicine, and tourism. It is established that the politician successfully proved the viability of fidelism, transferring power to Raul Castro. It is shown that Castro also allowed serious miscalculations in managerial activity, such as the policy of exporting the revolution and participation in drug trafficking, which led to numerous victims and loss of prestige of the country. The authors argue that Castro did not understand the laws of social development and the inevitability of the development of democracy, in the marketing plane he was ...

The activity of land committees during the existence of the Ukrainian Central Council is revealed. If the Ukrainian Social Democrats advocated the socialization of land while maintaining landlords under state control, the Socialist-Revolutionaries sought through the activities of land committees tried to implement the elimination of private land ownership and equal distribution of agricultural land between farms. In fact, the land committees began such a division even before the proclamation of the Bolshevik Land Decree, while the General Secretariat of Land Affairs tried to comply with the orders of the Russian Provisional government on the inadmissibility of expropriation of landed estates before the Constituent Assembly's decision. The land committees were to perform the function of protector of landed estates from the peasants and the organizer of the production process in these estates.Such a policy of the government contradicted the declared land reform, which inevitably led to a conflict between the Central Rada and its main social base - the Ukrainian peasantry. For their part, the peasants tried to use the land committees in the struggle against the landlords, giving their actions an organized character and trying not to affect the interests of the state. After the proclamation of the Land Decree by the Bolsheviks, the Ukrainian peasantry moved to the arbitrary redistribution of land under the leadership of the Bolsheviks.Seeking to regain the support of the peasantry, the leadership of the Central Rada included in the text of Universal III a Bolshevik provision on the abolition of private ownership of land and "recognition of the idea transferred to the land committees of land is the property of all working people and should pass to them without redemption". However, due to the opposition of large landowners and bankers, who pledged most of the large estates, the Central Council was immediately forced to publish an explanation in the Universal, in which it actually disavowed this provision.Thus, the efforts of the leadership of the Central Council to curb the process of agrarian transformation was one of the main reasons for its decline. ; У статті розкрито діяльність земельних комітетів у період існування Української Центральної Ради. Показано, що існувало гостре протиріччя в підходах соціал-демократичного керівництва Генерального Секретаріату земельних справ (соціалізація землі при збереженні великих господарств під контролем держави) і есерівської більшості в складі земельних комітетів (націоналізація землі та зрівняльний її розподіл між селянськими господарствами). Фактично земельні комітети почали такий розподіл ще до більшовицького декрету про землю. Намагання керівництва Центральної Ради стримати цей процес стало однією з основних причин її падіння.

The processes of globalization and the world community, as well as the role and place of Ukraine and the People's Republic of China on the geopolitical map of the world dictate the need for strong scientific, political, economic, cultural, energy contacts that will lead to the progress of both countries, to the creation and development of new technologies, new economic and humanitarian relations. This requires the training of a large number of skilled Chinese language specialists and experts. The phonetics of the Chinese language is extremely important for the learning of the language as a whole, because the Chinese language has a special typological characteristic - the presence of a tone that performs distinctive-perceptual and distinctive-significative functions. Mastering Chinese, and in particular lexical units (as key in communication), can only be conditioned by the ability to distinguish and correctly reproduce a tone. However, the study of phonetics is not limited to articulation skills, but involves the students mastering rhythmic-intonational models, which also have semantic nuances and are important in terms of the implementation of speech pragmatics. The study describes the experimental verification of the effectiveness of teaching methods of future philologists of Chinese phonetics, as well as substantiates and confirms the choice of the study hypothesis. The criteria and norms for evaluating the Chinese linguistic phonetic competence of future synologists are outlined. Methods and materials, plan and structure, and duration of the experiment are determined. In addition, examples of tasks and the ultimate goal of their implementation were given. Organizational and content aspects of students' experimental learning are covered. Post-experimental sections were performed, the corresponding results of the effectiveness of the created methodology of teaching phonetics of Chinese language were presented. For clearer perception, the results of the sections were made in the table

This study discusses the various aspects of the definitive definition of "revolution" and its semantic meaning and interpretation. Analyzed as modes of understanding the causes and goals of revolution in the society in terms of the leading scholars of the past and present, who have developed the key problems of social theory. Key words and phrases: revolution; political revolution; social revolution. ; Розглянуто суперечливі проблеми теорії революції. У порівняльному аспекті охарактеризовано різні підходи до визначення самого поняття "революція", а також проаналізовано вплив революцій на політичну систему суспільства. Розглянуто причини та цілі революцій у суспільстві з погляду різних дослідників. Ключові слова: революція, політична революція, соціальна революція.

У статті здійснено аналіз актуальних досліджень процесу інтернаціоналізації освіти в китайських університетах. Представлено стратегії й підходи до ІВО на національному рівні. Визначено основні способи інтерпретації поняття ІВО на національному та інституційному рівнях у контексті діяльності університетів Китаю. Виділено основні стратегії ІВО в університетах Китаю. ; The article presents analysis of modern researches of Chinese higher education internationalization. It considers modern strategic issues concerning internationalization at universities. Internationalization is represented as a key component of higher education development. On the basis of modern scientific approaches to higher education internationalization at Chinese universities in the context of their activity the principal ways of internationalization interpretation have been defined. Understanding of the notion of higher education internationalisation in China at the national level has been narrow for a long time. In general it means international activities and exchange programs. China authorities emphesize mainly on practical aspects of internationalization but not wide understanding of mutual exchanges of people, ideas, well-being and services between nations and cultural identities. This narrow vision is associated with Sino-centric mentality: Chinese teaching as essence, western one for practicality. Implementation of internationalization policy is fulfilled under national government control. At the national level is assumed an existence of 4 internationalisation categories: 1) intensive transnational higher education; 2) strategy of internationalization elite of China universities; 3) curriculum internationalization; 4) challenges in China higher education. Two characteristics of Confucian model are highlighted in Chinese national strategy of higher education internationalization: the first – strict national outlining of structures, funding and priorities; and the second – accelerated state investing in research and world-class universities. It has been determined that there is the lack of definite and well-planned strategy of building new world-class universities or in other words common national higher education internationalization strategy in China policy. Internationalization initiatives at institutional level have been outlined. Alternative strategies of higher education internationalization at institutional level under conditions of international activity are recruiting of foreign lectors and students and accordingly strengthening of international learning environment, transformation of curriculum and improvement of teaching quality, development of international research and increase of academic exchanges.

The paper analyzes the legislation of the Provisional Government of Russia of 1917 which ensured the democratization of the Zemstvo electoral system by introducing general, equal, direct elections by secret ballot. According to the transitional legislation of 1917, elections of county and provincial councillors were held according to the proportional electoral system. As a result of the elections, the provincial and county zemstvos were Ukrainized and democratized by involving peasants' representatives. However, given voters' low political culture and lack of political experience, this electoral system proved ineffective. Participation in the elections of mainly one public organization – the Peasants' Union, which received the right to elect provincial councillors, led to a decrease in the zemstvo governors' professional training level, which was one of the reasons for the zemstvo self-government decline.Elections of volost councillors on the resolution of county zemstvos representatives' congresses could be held under both majority and proportional electoral systems, which indicates the expansion of suffrage. On the territory of the Left Bank of Ukraine, the elections of volost councillors were held under the majority electoral system, which was quite justified, as voters were not ready for elections on the basis of tThe paper analyzes the legislation of the Provisional Government of Russia of 1917 which ensured the democratization of the Zemstvo electoral system by introducing general, equal, direct elections by secret ballot. According to the transitional legislation of 1917, elections of county and provincial councillors were held according to the proportional electoral system. As a result of the elections, the provincial and county zemstvos were Ukrainized and democratized by involving peasants' representatives. However, given voters' low political culture and lack of political experience, this electoral system proved ineffective. Participation in the elections of mainly one public organization – the ...