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"This article/research that I translated from Hasan Hanefi examines, in terms of Spanish philosopher Miguel de Unamuno, the ancient Christianity throughout the history. While Hasan Hanefi, here, researched Christianity beliefs in the presence of Ancient Christians, on the one hand, he criticizes of it, on the other hand, from own viewpoint, aims for explanation of it. Hasan Hanefi, also here, compares the Christianity beliefs established by the institution of papacy with philosophies of his age in which includes schools like communism, socialism and existentialism. According to what Hasan Hanef said, Unamuno follow such a conclusion: the contemporary Christianity has lost that noble ore and effect arising from jesus son of mary, who is prominent with/stamped with the life, the dynamism and regeneration and the spritual ressurrection; whether individually or socially, it has become such a thing that loses it's effect and power on spirits. We also may said: Our author Hasan Hanefi, in terms of essence and nature of Christianity, make comparisons between the philosophies and trends of his age and philosophies that will come later and have an impact on humanity, especially on Europeans… After all this, definitely, he concludes such a result: Some philosophies is closer to, in it's essence and nature, the Christianity religion and the message of jesus, than the Christianity religion institutionalized throughout the history! and he maintains his explanations: that Christianity religion has lost, especially throughout scholastic ages, it's nature and divine character and, no matter where and when one lives, except a blind devotion, has become a mechanic belief ineffective on human sprit!."

The holy persons (saints), who have an important place for Byzantine Art and Christianity, have been kept alive in depictions, religious buildings, temples and churches in Anatolia and Europe since early times. The fact that the information about the lives of these saints, who are described as the representatives and servants of God on earth, is missing in the Turkish literature, has been effective in recent studies in this field. After the studies on doctor saints, reaching very little data about these three women saints is an important deficiency for those who study Byzantine medicine and saint lives. With this study, data on the lives of doctor saints were compiled and new information was brought to the literature by evaluating their lives, lifestyles and the location of their graves. The study was supported with new records and finds, and a suggestion was made about the school where the saints were educated. It was tried to determine the place of the saints in the Christian world by discussing the accuracy of some claims. These saints, who are considered as "Mothers of Medicine", should be given the necessary dedication in the society. Although the data about these three saints are scarce, it is considered worthy to be researched and introduced with their exemplary lives and aspects, as they are prominent professionally. The belief that the continuation of their cults in the places they live and the belief that the region will also contribute to faith tourism makes it necessary to think and research on the subject.

This article delves into the transformative decade between 1999 and 2009, exploring the intricate web of Jewish-Arab relations in Israel and the consequential impact of Jewish-Arab tensions on Arab politics and Arab voter behavior in Israeli elections. During this decade, internal factors, such as generational shift, leadership changes, and political pluralism, played a pivotal role in reshaping the societal landscape in the Arab sector. On the other hand, external factors, including the collapse of the Israeli-Palestinian reconciliation process and the eruption of the Second Intifada, intensified the predicament of Israeli citizens of Arab origin, amplifying their national identity dilemma. The primary objective of this study is to analyze voting patterns within the Arab sector during the elections of 1999, 2001, 2003, 2006, and 2009, thereby highlighting the profound political implications of the Jewish-Arab tensions on Arab political engagement and voting behaviors. By doing so, this research provides insights into the changing patterns of Arab votes and their impact on the broader political landscape of Israel. The findings reveal that the growing social marginalization and disconnection from the Jewish sector significantly influenced the Arab sector's electoral participation. This period witnessed a decline in Arab voter turnout and a shift in support from left-wing Jewish-Zionist parties to Arab parties, paradoxically contributing to the electoral performances of both Arab parties and right-wing Jewish-Zionist parties.

Since there is no state structure in the Jahiliyyah Period, political situation is highly uncertain and mysterious. However, the political situation reached its peak with the Umayyad dynasty while still being present during the Jahiliyyah Period. It is a known fact that the civilizations of The Jahiliyyah Period are quite different from the other civilizations in the past times. Due to geographic hardships, it is impossible to survive in the Arabian Peninsula with a nuclear family. Thus, the people of the age were forced to live with groups of people who are gathered by kindred ship. These group created the concept of tribe as a social structure. A tribe is a small state in the desert who has a socio-politic structure more than just kindred ship. Tribe members live in the tribe they are born into and obey to its rules. In addition, the tribe members join battles, get their revenge, and internalize the honour and reputation of their tribe as their own. Each tribe has a leader, and the tribes are governed by their leaders. The term "tribe" also states the political organization inside the tribe. The spirit that leads the members of a tribe to take action against the hazards and act together is called Asabiyyah. The motto of Asabiyyah is "help your brother, tyrant or oppressed". The people of the period were forced to comply with the rules and the politics that are created by the formation of tribes. Tribe life affected the literary works of the period. The poets of the period wrote many political praise poems to help their tribe dominate the politics, and many political satiric poems to criticize their enemies. In this article, political poems written in the Jahiliyyah period will be exemplified.

Kadınların silahlı çatışmalardaki deneyimleri ve barış süreçlerine dahil edilmeleri, yirminci yüzyılın başından beri çeşitli kadın hareketleri tarafından dile getirilmektedir. Feminist yaklaşımlar, uluslararası güvenlik politikalarında toplumsal cinsiyete dayalı güç ilişkilerine ve militarist politikalara karşı duruş sergilemektedirler. Kadınların çatışma ve çatışma sonrası deneyimlerinin uluslararası politikada ele alınması ise Birleşmiş Milletler (BM) Güvenlik Konseyi'nin 2000 yılında Kadın, Barış ve Güvenlik (KBG) konulu 1325 sayılı kararı kabul etmesiyle başlamıştır. Bu makale, KBG Gündeminin oluşumuna giden süreçteki feminist hareketleri ve yaklaşımları incelemektedir. KBG kararları analiz edilerek, feminist yaklaşımların ve ideallerin BM'nin güvenlik söylemi içinde ne ölçüde ele alındığı da incelenmektedir. Bu makale, KBG Gündeminin önemini ve katkılarını vurgularken, kararları etkileyen siyasi dinamikleri ve feminist müdahalelerinin sınırlarını da irdeleyecektir. Metodolojik olarak, KBG Gündemi kararları ve ilgili akademik literatür incelenecektir. Bu çalışmayla KBG Gündemindeki en son gelişmeler de ele alınarak literatüre tamamlayıcı bir katkıda bulunulacaktır.

Bu çalışmada acı, en öncelikle, Nietzsche'nin soykütüğü yöntemle soruşturduğu muhtevası istikametinde incelenecektir. Décadence ya da nihilizme götüren "ressentiment metafiziğinin" de ancak bireyin acıyı olumlaması sayesinde geriletilebileceğinin, üst-insanın kendini aşma serüveninin tam da bu bağlamda mühim addedildiğinin altı çizilecektir. Bunun akabinde, acı ve ressentiment'in Nietzsche felsefesindeki sair yansımalarının politik olduğu varsayımıyla Yahudi-Hristiyan ahlakı, modern ideolojiler ve devlet eleştirileri mercek altına alınacaktır. Son olarak, Nietzsche'nin "güç istenci", "bengi dönüş" ve "üst-insan" gibi meşhur kavramlarıyla acı ve ressentiment üzerindeki okumaları eşliğinde demokratik-çoğulculuğun mu yoksa "aristokratik bir radikalizm"in mi izini sürdüğünün tartışması yürütülecektir. Nihayetinde, hem bir his hem de Nietzsche'nin felsefesinin temel yapı taşlarından biri olan acının ressentiment ile irtibatının Nietzsche'de "politik-olanı" inşa ettiğine işaret edilecektir.