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First of all, the article analyzes, in panorama, Spinoza's ontology. Secondly, it shows how, from the concepts present in the ontology, the author derives others, as man, desire, joy and sorrow, hope and fear, security and despair, action and passion. From the relationship between ontology, men and desire - as well as from the other affects -, are extracted, in brief considerations, some Spinoza ́s political thesis. In this argumentative movement, the hypothesis is that many Spinoza's political thesis a rise from its ontology and its conception of man as desire and potency variation. The concept of desire is analyzed in the light of the variation of potency and the theme of natural right, which in Spinoza is identical to potency. When the subject is the brief derivations to politics, some hobbesian thesis - related to the following subjects, namely, the multitude, the people, the representation, the natural right, the civil state, etc. - are brought to show, by contrast, the importance of Spinoza's innovations.

Neste artigo, o campo de estudos de currículo delineia-se por uma escrita biográfica e reflexiva com a qual o autor destaca movimentos de sua vida profissional a partir de registros escritos e lembranças.

From the ideas of Immanuel Kant and Hannah Arendt regarding Faculty of judgment, this article seeks to analyse the possible connections between our ability to judge the beautiful, and the way in which contemporary art articulate aesthetic values, moral and cognitive. To this end, presents some aspects of appropriation that Arendt makes aesthetic judgment of taste who thinks the beautiful as a political category, aimed at a possible Association of public manifestations of contemporary art to the political action of public character.

Nesse artigo vamos analisar a questão do medo, e o uso político do medo, comparando dois casos dessa utilização da estratégia do medo no discurso político da mídia televisiva, os quais foram efetuados em dois momentos diferentes, nas campanhas eleitorais das eleições presidenciais de 2002 e 2014. Além disso, busca-se relacionar o discurso do medo na mídia, às condições de incertezas, a busca do prazer, o consumo e o individualismo instauradas na pós-modernidade. A partir de uma análise crítica das condições sociais, pretende-se investigar como o medo, potencializado pela mídia, é capaz de produzir um efeito de alienação capaz de criar um discurso que acaba se repetindo mecanicamente, reproduzindo ações e ampliando conceitos artificiais introduzidos socialmente, produzindo, mesmo, a proliferação de preconceitos, discursos fáceis e estereotipados.

In 'Democracy against capitalism', Ellen Wood defends two important theses: capitalism inaugurates a new kind of exploitation and extortion of the working class that is not directly dependent on state extortion; this makes it possible for some political rights to be extended to a larger number of people through the establishment of "representative democracy". On the other hand, workers' political participation is limited: by identifying democracy with political representation, the ruling classes have created an illusion of popular political participation that is, in fact, extremely limited, or almost nil. In this article, we intend to show some of the main limits of representative democracy, and how this "democracy" atomizes citizens and keeps them away from effective political participation. For this, we will use other influential theorists such as Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Bernard Manin, Hanna Pitkin, Noam Chomsky.

This paper assesses empirically the way in which two Latin American upper chambers - the Argentine and Brazilian senates - made use of their confirmation prerogatives between 1989 and 2003: whether taking on a deferential posture towards executive proposals or a more active role, including both consultation and oversight. The article first analyses all nominations regarding outcome (confirmed, rejected, and withdrawn) and length of process. Then, the similarities and differences are used to advance some explanatory hypotheses. Special attention is paid to the impact of political factors, especially senates internal rules for the organization of the legislative work.

Leonardo Bruni (1370-1444), chancellor and historian, is the author of one of the main praises of the city of Florence of this period. In writing to Laudatio florentinae urbis (1403-1404), the humanist describes Florence and its government as a well-ordered, beautiful, wholesome, free and participatory city. The paper analyzes this text not only as a rhetorical piece, but highlights the republican ideals of freedom, self-government and citizenship. From an institutional point of view, Laudatio offers the foundations of mixed government, which would become a central aspect of Renaissance republicanism. From the ancients, Bruni removes the idea of the division of powers from the classic triad monarchy, aristocracy and democracy, with the separation of functions in each of these pure forms. Bruni points out that both aspects of antiquity can be found in the Florentine institutions of his time, in such a way that he observes in the historical fact the realization of an ancient political theory, complementing, therefore, the idealization of the city.

I propose in this work to show a possible connection between two anthropological images or ways of understanding humanity,along with the respective political implications of each. These two ways are "person" and "subject". I will also make use of Boethius' definition of person and assume that human political community is natural, at least in that even when the political does not constitute a natural dimension of human life but is solely contractual there is still there the disposition to make political contracts. ; Me propongo en este trabajo mostrar una posible conexión entre dos figuras antropológicas o modos de entender lo humano, con sus respectivas prolongaciones políticas. Esos dos modos son la "persona" y el "sujeto". Me serviré también de la definición boeciana de persona y asumo la politicidad humana como natural, una vez que mismo cuando el político no constituye una dimensión natural de la vida humana sino sólo contractual, hay la la disposición para hacer contratos políticos.

When the subject in question is contemporary political thought, Arendt's studies are indispensable. She has become a reference in this subject since the publication of her work 'The Origins of Totalitarianism'. In this article, however, the objective is not to discuss or analyze the concept of this author's policy or necessarily relate it to a particular theory or form of government, but to present in an introductory and elementary way, some aspects of her considerations and positions on the feeling of compassion in politics as understood by her, especially as they appear in her work 'On Revolution'.