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The article is devoted to the problem of the attitude of the Italian traditionalist philosopher Julius Evola to Christianity and neo-spiritualism. This task is solved on the basis of the comparative historical method of studying the works of Evola of different years and their assessment by researchers. Priority attention is paid to the analysis of the work "The Mask and Face of Contemporary Spiritualism" that was first published in Russian in 2020. The present work is considered in the context of all Evola's work, especially the works published in Russia recently. The question is raised about personalism in Evola's metaphysics. The essence of his criticism of psychoanalysis, spiritualism, theosophy, anthroposophy, primitivism, Satanism, some magical organizations and other forms of "new religiosity" is revealed. In the paper the traditional scheme of opposing the early, middle and late periods of Evola's work according to the criterion of his attitude to Christianity is contested. It is shown that from the early 1930s to the early 1970s his assessment of Christianity was invariably ambivalent and contradictory, although the emphasis on the positive aspects had been gradually increased. The problem of dualism in Christianity and the differences between the early Church, medieval Catholicism and the Aggiornamento of the twentieth century are examined in detail. The main conclusion of our investigation is that Evola, in spite of his personal antipathies to the Christian doctrine, was constantly forced to admit the possibility of a full-fledged spiritual realization of a person within the Catholic and Orthodox Churches and to act as an ally of Catholicism against all forms of neo-spiritualism and neo-paganism.

The article analyzes and compares two interpretations of the "social question" and the ways of solving it as they are offered in the works of N.A. Berdyaev and S.L. Frank. A particular attention is paid to the connection between the "social question" and the problem of "Christian socialism". While acknowledging the general importance of the social issues for the Christian mindset, both philosophers traced the origin of social injustice to the human nature rather than to the social structure. In both interpretations, in fact, the value of social justice is inferior in its hierarchal status to the value of Christian love. However, while they both rejected the socialist utopia of a "paradise on Earth" and the idea of a "Christian socialism", Berdyaev and Frank radically diverged in their interpretation and assessment of socialism as a social system. This article highlights the fact that Berdyaev combines a criticism of the ideological claims concerning atheistic and materialist socialism with an uncritical acceptance of a number of socialist ideologies (e.g. "class struggle" and "exploitation") and assumptions. Unlike Berdyaev, in interpreting the "social issue" Frank tended to distance himself from both classical liberalism (with its notions of private property, freedom, and state) and from socialism, which he considered as another ideological extremity. Frank's social philosophy treats the thesis that the socialist system is more consistent and successful than others in tackling the "social issue" as an empirically dubious assumption. On the contrary, Berdyaev took this thesis for granted and used it as the starting point of his reasoning. This divergence, along with the fact that the same key terms were often used by the two philosophers in different (ideological) meanings, partly accounts for their differences in the interpretation of the "social question" and in the assessment of socialism.

The author studies the division of the Christian Church into Orthodox Christian and Catholic branches through the context of the idea of political universe with the Byzantine Empire's and the German Empire's claims of the see, also expressed by papal Rome. The division was based on the idea of Christianity as a worldview universe, and cultures' and peoples' attitude towards it, with their being at the top of their activity (the so-called superthnoses). The analysis is made with reference to various literary works and chronicles of mediaeval western European, Byzantine and Old Russian authors. Owing to the fact that there exist different generally accepted views on the conflict development, the article is of a polemical nature. ; Рассматривается проблема разделения церкви на православную и католическую в контексте идеи политического универсума, на место которого пытались претендовать Византийская и Германская империи, а также папский Рим. В основе процесса разделения лежала идея христианства как мировоззренческого универсума и отношение к нему культур и этносов, находившихся на пике активности (суперэтносов). В качестве источников используются различные литературные произведения и хроники средневековых западноевропейских, византийских и древнерусских авторов. Поскольку существуют общепринятые представления о динамике конфликта, его виновниках и причинах, статья носит полемический характер. Показано, переживаемый в разное время и с разной интенсивностью, должен быть лишен того абсолютного значения, который традиционно привыкли видеть историки.

The article analyzes milestones in the Ukrainian Christianity history from the viewpoint of the political analysis of the relationship between church and state. The author shows the inextricable connection between the state and church powers and demonstrates how the foreign policy factors influenced formation of the domestic church relations ; В статье проанализированы основные вехи истории украинского христианства с точки зрения политического анализа государственно-церковных отношений. Автор показывает неразрывную связь между государственной и церковной властью, а также демонстрирует влияние внешнеполитических факторов на становление внутригосударственных церковных отношений

In the present article the author tried to analyze the processes underway in the world political arena, give his assessments concerning some new global challenges and threats in the post-COVID period. He made an attempt to give a brief review of the current role and place of Uzbekistan in the regional and international politics.

The article studies the basic and complicated evolution of different approaches for investigating Russian post-Soviet Islamic transformation. The authors describe the logic and dynamic of scrutinizing such kind of problems as Islamic consciousness and Muslim institutes, relationships between Islam and ethnic political develoments, forms and manifestations of Islamic fundamentalism. In an effort to identify and assess the signs of post-Soviet Islamic revival, the Russian academic community has obviously been driven to despair. Especially since the tragedy of 9/11/2001 as a source of studying Islam as an evasive object. The main goal of this paper is the methodological innovation which consists in multilayered approach. The authors argue that changes of parameters and structure of post-Soviet policy is reflected in the change of format and unities of analysis. The paper examines the character of academic discussion about different understanding of such political phenomena as politization of Islam as well as bordering Islam in terms of multi-level methodology. This methodology could be able to clarify very complicated Islamic features: socio-territorial organization, communication, and the reproduction channels. It alone will help us explain changing Islam as a social and political enigma. In this paper the authors have correctly identified the phenomenon of Muslim regionalization as a situation under which the Islamic leaders concentrate on religious development at the local level. It is not the authors' aim to discuss the forms of Islamic existence and its religious-teaching component. The authors favor the wider approach typical of political science in which there is a component of Islamic studies. This analysis has demonstrated that the multi-layered approach to Islam, which identifies its viable segments, has a considerable heuristic potential. This approach helps to understand the inner dynamics of the Islamic development as a complex social and political phenomenon. This reconfirms the old truth that the deeper the analysis goes into the past the more integral an image of reality it acquires. (author's abstract)