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Examines the structure & consequences of the emerging women's political coalitions in post-Soviet Russia, 1990-1994. Although a low level of political culture & participation has undermined coalition-building in contemporary Russia, it is argued that women's coalitions have established themselves as small but influential political forces in recent years. Three types of coalitions are identified: (1) nomenclature types primarily comprising businesswomen & responsible for the formation of the first women's political block, Women of Russia; (2) grassroots women's organizations constituting the loosely associated Independent Women's Forum; & (3) single-issue women's organizations operating at the community level. The coalitions have been strongly influenced by the emergence of a national women's movement & the dynamic process of social & political transformation in post-Soviet Russia. Although these groups have achieved initial success, the participation of women in politics could be enhanced through changes in public attitudes toward gender, closer contact between politicians & gender researchers, political support for gender equality, support for the independent women's movement, & further research concerning female political consciousness. T. Sevier

Introduces this investigation of legislative coalitions in AK, FL, GA, MI, & TX over the last two decades of the 20th century, analyzing the political culture of each of these states separately & in a final combined analysis with the remaining southern states: AL, LA, NC, SC, TN, & VA. The overall goal is to determine whether the "descriptive representation" of African Americans in state assemblies & local governments during this period correlated with actual "substantive representation" of African American interests. Previous studies of representation in the US Congress & state legislatures is reviewed, & the design of the current research is outlined. Analysis includes (1) the growth of African-American representation in each legislative chamber, 1980-2000; (2) committee leadership (chairpersonships) for each state in 2000; & (3) roll-call voting on key policy issues of concern to African Americans. K. Hyatt Stewart

Introduces this investigation of legislative coalitions in AK, FL, GA, MI, & TX over the last two decades of the 20th century, analyzing the political culture of each of these states separately & in a final combined analysis with the remaining southern states: AL, LA, NC, SC, TN, & VA. The overall goal is to determine whether the "descriptive representation" of African Americans in state assemblies & local governments during this period correlated with actual "substantive representation" of African American interests. Previous studies of representation in the US Congress & state legislatures is reviewed, & the design of the current research is outlined. Analysis includes (1) the growth of African-American representation in each legislative chamber, 1980-2000; (2) committee leadership (chairpersonships) for each state in 2000; & (3) roll-call voting on key policy issues of concern to African Americans. K. Hyatt Stewart

The major question addressed in this paper is "how Canada can influence the shape & operating expectations of established & emerging coalitions to best benefit Canada's national interests," particularly in light of the challenges facing international coalitions such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) & the frequency with which states form & act through coalitions rather than individually. A major part of Canada's recent foreign policy has been to help build "coalitions of the willing" to address primarily humanitarian issues. Focus here, however, is on Canada's capability to play its commensurate role in coalition-based military operations in response to threats to world peace, rather than just offering token forces to keep its hand in the game. It is contended that much greater effort & expenditure are needed now to strengthen Canada's armed forces to the point where it can actually influence international events. The nature of coalitions & Canada's role within them are discussed, & a new national security strategy for acting through coalitions is outlined that will enable the country to regain & maintain its respected international tradition. J. Stanton

Lobbying is influencing decision making in the European Union as never before; it is viewed as part of the institutionalization process that is creating a new EU political system. The lobbying revolution has changed EU decision making in three ways. First, the number of lobbyists in Brussels has increased, & the practice of lobbying has changed dramatically. Second, the Single European Act rejuvenated the EU decision-making system, which has come to depend on information from outside interests as EU institutions, regulations, & directives evolve. Finally, EU lobbying in various policy areas is now characterized as a pattern of political mobilization leading to segmentation. Though various interests have wielded influence over the EU's decision-making process, this influence has, thus far, been predictable. The formation of new sectors, however, may cause what is now a cross-sectoral policy area to become an intra-institutional rivalry. K. A. Larsen

The 2000 US presidential election appears to have uncovered a resurgence in American populism that has been dormant since 1896. Further, an examination of elections since 1896 reveals that staunch Republicans & Democrats have shifted roles over the last century. This transformation is especially interesting in light of the obvious electoral coalitions that became apparent following the 2000 election -- coalitions that differ enormously in their policies regarding the economy & moral issues. These differences become especially apparent when the views of the average Democrat & the average Republican are compared with those of the average American. When these stratifications are considered, it is apparent that Bush's victory hinges on the thinking that his political views of the economy & morality are closer to those of the average American voter than were Al Gore's. The 2000 election will prove pivotal for the future of American politics. Because the election itself was so close, the parties retain only a tenuous hold on both the presidency & Congress. Civil rights, foreign policy, & economic issues -- along with presidential performance -- are likely to determine the future political power of each party. 2 Figures. K. A. Larsen

Examines labor organizing in New York City's Chinatown to argue that immigrants must overcome constraints from both within & without their communities before political mobilization can occur. It is maintained that economic exploitation, coupled with class divisions & conflicts within Chinatown, have incapacitated immigrant political mobilization. Chinese entrepreneurs often appeal to ethnic solidarity to persuade their employees not to organize unions or complain about poor working conditions. Their manipulation is made easier by the reality that most Chinese immigrants have to rely on ethnic networks to survive. The enormous difficulties resulting from language differences have allowed Chinese employers to convince their workers that American society is hostile & racist. In addition, Chinese immigrant workers have been incorporated into the American labor market as a separate entity, resulting in structural impediments to cross-ethnic alliances. It is concluded that Chinese immigrant workers will not improve their lowly position in the American labor market until they break out of the structure of the ethnic enclave that prevents the formation of interethnic coalitions. 11 References. J. Lindroth

Examines labor organizing in New York City's Chinatown to argue that immigrants must overcome constraints from both within & without their communities before political mobilization can occur. It is maintained that economic exploitation, coupled with class divisions & conflicts within Chinatown, have incapacitated immigrant political mobilization. Chinese entrepreneurs often appeal to ethnic solidarity to persuade their employees not to organize unions or complain about poor working conditions. Their manipulation is made easier by the reality that most Chinese immigrants have to rely on ethnic networks to survive. The enormous difficulties resulting from language differences have allowed Chinese employers to convince their workers that American society is hostile & racist. In addition, Chinese immigrant workers have been incorporated into the American labor market as a separate entity, resulting in structural impediments to cross-ethnic alliances. It is concluded that Chinese immigrant workers will not improve their lowly position in the American labor market until they break out of the structure of the ethnic enclave that prevents the formation of interethnic coalitions. 11 References. J. Lindroth

Theorists are becoming aware that social movements operate in both domestic & international environments, for which reason mutual benefits could be derived from exchanges of ideas between social movement & international relations studies & theories. While most writing about transnational opportunity views international institutions as presenting constraints rather than opportunities, this chapter, focusing on human rights issues, contends that certain forms of transnational contention can take advantage of opportunities available in international institutions in campaigns against states. For example, feminist groups & groups of indigenous peoples have often found the international arena more receptive to their demands than domestic political institutions. Specific cases of such cooperation around the world are presented. The framework for understanding the beneficial interaction of domestic & international politics presented in this chapter aims to provide a dynamic & interactive understanding of how the international & the domestic relate to influence the choices & outcomes of transnational networks activity; & to consider & explain the emergence of new forms of dynamic multilevel governance. Figures. J. Stanton