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Sosyal düzen vurgusunun ön plana çıktığı, karşılaşılan sosyal sorunlarda aile, dini kuruluşlar ve vakıfların aracı rol üstlendiği muhafazakâr refah rejimi anlayışının, Almanya özelinde dönüşüm gösterdiği görülmektedir. Teorik açıdan bakıldığında bu refah rejimi kapsamında devletin rolleri sınırlı ve az düzeyde müdahalecidir. Devletin temel görevi var olan hiyerarşik düzeni sağlaması ve korumasıdır. Ancak küreselleşme ile başlayan ve günümüze kadar devam eden süreçte gerek toplumsal cinsiyet rollerinin değişmesi gerekse demografik değişimler muhafazakâr refah rejimi modelini de dönüşüme zorlamıştır. Bu noktadan hareketle çalışma kapsamında muhafazakâr refah rejimi anlayışının Almanya özelinde yaşadığı değişim ve dönüşümün ele alınması amaçlanmıştır. Bu amaç paralelinde yapılan değerlendirmeler neticesinde devletin toplumsal anlamda yaşanan değişim ve dönüşümlere uyum sağlama amacıyla; sosyal yardım ve hizmetler, kadın istihdamına yönelik işgücü piyasalarına müdahale ve emeklilik üzerinden yapmış olduğu düzenlemeler ile sorumluluğunu artırdığı sonucuna ulaşılmıştır.

Necmettin Erbakan, supported in Turkey by those who considered themselves as more conservative and religious, had the opportunity to serve the people of Turkey in the capacity of Deputy Prime Minister before 1980. Erbakan's new discourse had won him the favor of the public; however, in the wake of the 1980 military coup, his party was closed down and he, along with most of his close colleagues, was banned from politics. After his party, which was a party with a cause rather than an ordinary one, was closed down, he tried to keep his sympathizers united and active by developing various arguments in order to preserve his electorate in the newly developing conditions. In conjunction with the transition from martial law to democracy, the National Vision Movement continued its course in the political arena with the Welfare Party. Necmettin Erbakan cultivated a new discourse in politics with the motto of "Fair Order" by successfully analyzing the economic developments in the world after 1980. His promise to make Turkey a strong and prominent country, his ideals of Islamic unity, his discourse of nationalism, anti-imperialism and anti-Zionism were accepted by the public. Additionally, his more comprehensive and Pan-Islamist stance compared to the religious jamaats and sects, and the fact that he undertook to be the voice of the people who suffered in the slums following rural-to-urban migration, strengthened the movement. The Motherland Party, founded by Turgut Ozal, who had been the National Salvation Party's Izmir candidate for the parliament before 1980, faced some difficulties while coming into power after 1980, following the military administration. Erbakan surpassed those difficulties, acquired a position in the government as the prime minister of the coalition in 1996 and served the nation. This study explores the establishment and structuring of the Welfare Party, a continuation of the National Vision Movement, in Giresun, as well as the process of its coming to power and later being removed from it. The first elections the Welfare Party took part in were the local elections of 1984, and although the votes it received were below the country average that year, the party increased its vote rates in all subsequent elections and received more votes than the Turkey average in Giresun. The reasons behind this success are that women, who had not been active in politics before 1980, began to participate more, the media was used more effectively, and Giresun was not affected by the conflict between religious sects and politics. This study will examine the efforts of the National Youth Foundation, established as the youth organization of the movement, and other non-governmental organizations during and after the February 28, 1997 post-modern coup process in the context of Giresun.