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It is generally recognized that the theoretical status of studies on political culture is precarious, but the importance of the latter as a dimension of political societies is such that, despite its gaps, it must continue to be used as an analytical concept. After establishing the elements of a conceptual schema of culture, the interaction between political culture & social & political structures is discussed, & some methodological considerations are offered that are capable of strengthening empirical research against the biases inherent in functionalism. 1 Table, 1 Figure. Modified HA.

Some Observations on Tibor Liska's View of a Socialist Economic Model.
According to Berend, Tibor Liska has become something of a legend among Hungarian economists, and his highly original model has understandably aroused considerable controversy, not least with the author himself.
Berend attempts first of all to situate Liska's ideas within the framework of Hungarian theory and practice. He outlines briefly the historical development of the socialist economic system, from Marx and Engels, via the Soviet experience, to the Hungarian model which has been evolving since the mid-sixties, and which, as we know, has generated much interest.
In Berend's view, Liska's activities, his ideas and his writings, form an integral part of the historical development of socialist economic theory, particularly the reformist currents in the last three decades. However, while in agreement with certain of Liska's propositions, he is unable to accept any system based on these ideas. In particular, he is critical of his notorious principles of free competition and the auction, which in his view have no contact with reality, a consideration which does not at all enter into Liska's calculations. He sees in Liska's model an extremist system, which in practice would preclude any intervention by the state, even in social or cultural activities. Liska's radical concepts, when systematized, turn out to be conservative, therefore retrograde and in any case Utopian. This is Berend's conclusion after a well-argued case.

Efim Etkind, Beast of cultural burden (Viacheslav Ivanov 's archaistic style).
Two trends appear in Russian poetry from the 18th century on: the first that can be termed musical or flowing, and the second one, that of the isolated word, which is anti-musical by nature. The verse of the second kind is faltering, heavy, filled with phonetical, syntaxic, and semantic impediments. V. Ivanov' s poems constitute a contrast to the musical art of A. Blok by this ponderousness to which contribute all the elements of his style: erudition underlined with great arrogance, archaistic language which at times appears to be artificial, copied by the author on long dead models. This archaistic style is paradoxically akin to the avant-garde, the innovations of Khlebnikov and Maiakovskii. The literary system of V. Ivanov is based on his theory of Culture, viewed as a burden that Man is condemned to carry throughout centuries. This burden of memory seems staggering, but it is the very incarnation of spiritual freedom. V. Ivanov' s poetry is a strange union of opposed notions. It blends the most abstract spiritualism with a verbal and versifying form tending towards the most complete materialization of words, sonorities and syntaxical structures.

Regional Policy in the USSR: Theory and Practice.
This article examines spatial problems in the Soviet Union in terms of four main aspects which dominate both the theory and the practice of Soviet regional policy:
— The importance of the role of the state;
— The predominance of the sectoral principle;
— The close relationship between politics and economics, and the contradictions which arise between administrative and economic boundary lines, all combine to lend Soviet iegional policy its particular characteristics.
At the same time, the size and growing impact of territorial considerations on economic development have compelled the Soviet authorities to give increasing attention to the need for a more efficient regional policy which will take account of the complexity of the problems now arising. The grave regional imbalances (between the west and the Asian areas) which reflect different levels of regional development, require a considered economic policy designed to make allowance for the diverse historical, economic and socio-cultural patterns of each region.
Set against the totality of the problem, succeeding attempts, from the period of Khrushchev onwards, reveal the disparity between aims and the measures taken to implement them.
As regards regional development, the greater scope acquired by republican and regional authorities over the last two decades is still offset, either by lack of success of the plans themselves, or by difficulties often arising as a result of obstacles created by the central authorities.
At the same time, the models elaborated by various centres in this area of research remain for the most part, theoretical and ill-adapted to implementation at the practical economic level.
These various limiting factors, which are both technical and operational, reflect a contradiction which is rooted in the Soviet system itself.
The predominance of sectoral planning over regional planning is simply an expression of the logic of state centralization which culminates in complete economic and political control. Thus the surface weaknesses and contradictions which manifest themselves, are inherent in the nature and operation of the Soviet system itself. More objectively, the overall effects of these weaknesses arise from the inability of the central planning authorities to plan a long-term policy of economic growth, and to determine its form and scope.

Soviet theory of international law for the seventies
Towards the end of the sixties, Soviet leaders became convinced that in order to move forward with the development of Soviet economy, it is necessary to establish closer economic and cultural relations with the industrialized West. One of the facets of this policy was the reorientation of Soviet science of international law, and a less critical view of what was being done scientifically in Western cultures. A turning point took place during the annual meeting of the Soviet Association of International Law, in 1972 at which Professor Tunkin, the leading Soviet publicist criticized the uncritical attitude of his colleagues towards Western science of international law. Since the time, Soviet publicists have adopted the methods of research, techniques of scientific inquiry, and the organization of treaties of international law in the West. Professor Tunkin himself in his studies reaffirmed that there is only one science of international law (Soviet and Western included), that the development of international law is also the achievement of Western scholars, and that only since the October revolution SovieL science armed with the theories of Marx and Lenin are able to perceive more correctly the real development of international law. Soviet scholars began to write with approval about their colleagues in the West, although basic criticism has remained in place. What is even more important, the accepted view now is that there is one general international law binding the capitalist and socialist world, with this reservation however that socialist countries are more respectful of the rights of other countries guaranteed by international law.