Die vorliegende Untersuchung liefert Informationen über das Verhältnis der Jugendlichen in der DDR zur sozialistischen Demokratie. Sie will damit Orientierungshilfe für die sozialistische Jugendpolitik geben. Dazu stellt sie Ergebnisse von Befragungen zur Mitarbeit in folgenden öffentlichen Gremien der Gesellschaft in der DDR vor: Volksvertretungen und andere politische Gremien; Organisationen der FDJ; Schlichtungskommissionen; Volkspolizei; gewerkschaftliche Gremien sowie die Schöffentätigkeit bei einem Gericht. (pag)
This dissertation explores the concept of Actually Existing Democracy in the transnational public sphere through the experiences of the Coalfields Delegation to the United Nations Commission for Sustainable Development (UNCSD). In particular, this research examines the differential impacts of energy extraction on local communities, and what the term justice might usefully mean in the context of transnational energy politics. I provide an account of justice that engages with the theories of Nancy Fraser and Pierre Bourdieu and mines their insights to provide a novel intervention in debates about justice and the public sphere. I start by defining justice as a transnational construct using theories of the nation-state and then discuss the nature and roles of counterpublics, specifically the Coalfields Delegation, in transnational justice. I then explore Fraser's constructs of redistribution, recognition, and representation, viewing each through Bourdieu's theories of habitus and field. I show that the process through which counterpublics seek justice is mediated through the operations of power in the economic, cultural, and political fields (adopting Fraser's definition of culture over Bourdieu's). To achieve justice, it is insufficient to suggest that movement in a field proceeds directionally; rather, Fraser and Bourdieu are in accord in suggesting that these fields need to be deconstructed (Fraser's term) by counterpublics adopting heterodox practices to challenge the established ordering of the field. Energy injustice, in the particular form of mountaintop removal coal mining, occurs locally, yet is inherently global in its implications through the processes of international trade and consumption. Therefore, the appropriate level at which to examine these seemingly "local" concerns is that of the transnational. In the case of the Coalfields Delegation, appeals have been made at the local, state, and national levels, to no avail. The group pursued several interlinked strategies at the UN. To the extent that their plight is one of economic disparity, the Coalfields Delegation has sought to redefine economic power in a manner different from global capitalism. Where cultural marginalization has been used as a basis for justifying disparate impacts on mining communities, the Delegation decidedly used its own formulation of "culture" as a strategic publicity mechanism. In pursuing representation at the UNCSD, the Delegation began defining its concerns in global terms, suggesting human rights violations, and placing coal mining within the context of global sustainability and climate change. However, in so doing, members of the Delegation started to reconceive themselves in solidarity with other similarly affected groups represented at the UNCSD. Their quest for global redress has not been one of straightforward acts of agency, but rather should be viewed as an oscillation between agency and structure. Fields exert counter-pressure, however, as the Delegation members grew in experience and sophistication, their habitus changed accordingly. My research explores the dynamic play of these social forces by linking the ideas of public sphere and field, counterpublic and habitus, to develop a new way in which researchers might both describe and trace advocacy group efforts to secure justice in the transnational public sphere. ; Ph. D.
This article aims to analyse how the press has depicted Francisco Sá Carneiro, founder of the Social Democratic Party, regarding his role in the construction of Portuguese democracy. Debates on the Portuguese transition to democracy focus almost invariably on its revolutionary phase and on the relative importance of its actors and agents of change. Nonetheless, little attention has been paid to the role of civilian leaders during or after the 74-75 Revolution. In addition, the impact of the media on the historical memory of the Portuguese transition remains an underexplored research topic. Considering the importance of the media in shaping public opinion and in the process of building the historical memory, we will undertake a qualitative analysis of piece of news published on Sá Carneiro and his role in Portuguese democratization. Our research will focus on Portuguese and Spanish largest newspapers in order to perceive if Sá Carneiro's memory also changed abroad. This article argues that the press hasn't paid much attention to Sá Carneiro's role in the democratisation process, echoing mythologized visions of the centrist leader.
Defines key concepts of an international hybrid regime that is post-liberal democratic, its social base, and example of the European Union. Another version printed under the title "Liberal democracy vs. transnational progressivism: the ideological war within the West" in: Orbis, v. 46, no. 3, Summer 2002, p. 449-67.
ABSTRACT Eastern European post-communist countries inherited pervasive corruption after the breakup of the USSR. Public trust was the crucial factor in tackling corruption and democracy building in these countries. This article takes Armenia as a case to study the antecedents and evolution of trust in Eastern European post-communist countries that went through a government coup in the 21st century. By comparing the corruption situation in Armenia before and after the Velvet Revolution 2018, we scrutinise how trust was and is critical to combating corruption and democracy building. We argue that in transition governments, one can distinguish two sources of creating public trust. The first wave generates when the government is newly established, and people trust the leader and his persona. Arguably, in this stage, the level of trust generated is based on expectations. The second wave of trust comes with the government's actual performance, measured partly based on corruption perception.
Gender equality has been explained as both the equal treatment of women and men before the law and women's and men's equal usage of resources, opportunities, and services within the family and society. Today, although the conditions that support gender inequality have relatively decreased, gender discrimination still persists. Gender equality is expected to be taught by means of education at all levels and through curricula since they are the most important and indispensable elements of education. The first aim of this study is to determine whether an activity in the unit titled Towards Equality within the textbook, Citizenship and Democracy Education used in Turkey is appropriate for use in teaching gender equality. The second aim of the study is to determine through this activity students' views on gender equality/inequality and the reasons behind them based on the gender of students and the socio-economic levels of the schools which they attend. This is a descriptive study using both qualitative and quantitative research models. The study group consisted of a total of 160 students in 8th grade from four primary education schools from the lower, middle, and upper socio-economic levels (SEL) (three public schools, and one private school) in inner-city Ankara, Turkey. While descriptive statistical techniques (f-%) were used to analyze the quantitative data, content analysis was used to analyze the qualitative data. According to the findings of the study, the activity selected for testing by the researchers was found not to be adequate in strengthening gender equality awareness. Students generally attributed daily household chores and certain characteristics in the activity, which included such tasks as setting the table, being emotional, being a nurse, playing volleyball, and having blonde hair, to women. On the other hand, being a judge, playing football, and bravery were expressed as characteristics more likely to be specific to men. The ratios of these types of gender inequality based views were found to be higher particularly at the lower socio-economic level. The fact that gender inequality still continues in curriculum, course materials, and in the minds and behaviors of students makes it difficult to change this situation into a positive one. The content found in the curriculum and printed materials that are in connection with the curriculum should be cleared from implicit and explicit discourse that create or support gender inequality. Awareness of teachers about the variables that cause gender inequality should be increased.
Voluntary citizen attention and actions are key to successful public-sector communication. We investigated the conditions which increase such attention and actions using the situational theory of problem solving (STOPS) and government-citizen relationships (GCRs). Using three national issues consisting of an environmental issue, a social issue, and a political issue from South Korea (N=275), this study examined three hypotheses regarding public engagement effect (the effect of GCRs on political conversations on national issues), government empowerment effect (the effects of GCRs and issue-specific trust toward government on constraint recognition), and public serenity effect (the effect of issue-specific trust on problem recognition and involvement recognition). We found significant public engagement and government empowerment effects and partially significant public serenity effect. The results of the public serenity investigation found that issue-specific trust toward government was significant with problem recognition but insignificant with involvement recognition. Consequently, the findings illustrate strategic values in government-citizen relationships on public engagement, empowerment, and serenity to enable participatory democracy.
The paper critically addresses several interpretations of the concept of "property-owning democracy", an institutional regime which allows for private property of production means and is preferable, according to Rawls, to welfare state capitalism. It is discussed, first, whether the capital dispersion ambitioned by property-owning democracy should be taken as tantamount to wealth dispersion. Secondly, it is inquired whether property-owning democracy should be associated only to a given result – e.g., capital or wealth dispersion– or also as a sort of regime under which such result is reached through certain means. Property-owning democracy would therefore be understood as a predistributive regime (in contrast with the redistributive welfare state). The conclusion, in sum, is that, putting aside issues regarding human capital, there are reasons to elect a simple definition of property-owning democracy as a regime that disperses wealth to a considerable degree. The final section answers some critiques of property-owning democracy as an alternative to welfare state capitalism. ; O trabalho apresenta diferentes interpretações sobre a "democracia decidadãos proprietários" (DCP), um regime que permite a propriedadeprivada dos meios de produção e se mostra superior, segundo Rawls, aocapitalismo de bem-estar. Discuto, primeiro, se a dispersão do capitalambicionada pela DCP deve ser tomada como algo distinto de dispersãoda riqueza. Trato, em segundo lugar, da questão de saber se o que importapara a caracterização da DCP é apenas o resultado – seja ele a dispersãodo capital ou da riqueza – ou também o meio de obtê-lo, caso no qual a DCPpoderia ser entendida como regime predistributivo (em contraposição ao"welfare state", um regime eminentemente redistributivo). Minha conclusão,em suma, é que, afora o que concerne ao "capital humano", há razões parapreferir uma conceituação simples, que defina a DCP como regime que logradispersar a riqueza em considerável medida. A última seção responde, ainda,a algumas críticas à DCP como alternativa ao capitalismo de bem-estar.
Desde fines de 1980 el concepto de democracia deliberativa ha sido defendido y resignificado por numerosos y renombrados filósofos políticos. En el corazón de este concepto se inscribe una particular concepción de la legitimidad democrática, conforme la cual toda norma, institución o medida política debe justificarse mediante un proceso deliberativo intersubjetivo público. Este modelo democrático ha surgido en respuesta a la crisis del constitucionalismo clásico, el cual, sustentado en concepciones agregativas de la democracia, ha sido criticado por ilegítimo e ineficaz. Por su parte, la democracia deliberativa en tanto ideal regulativo ofrece criterios normativos desde los cuales evaluar las instituciones políticas actuales, tales como la de control de constitucionalidad. Dado este marco conceptual, es que en este trabajo nos proponemos explicitar una propuesta de diseño institucional de control de constitucionalidad deliberativa multisituada, pensada para el complejo contexto político en el que se inscriben las sociedades democráticas contemporáneas. ; Since the late 1980s the concept of deliberative democracy has been defended and redefined by numerous renowned political philosophers. At the heart of this concept there is a conception of democratic legitimacy, under which all norms, institution or policy measure must be justified by a public deliberative inter-subjective process. This democratic model has emerged in response to the crisis of classic constitutionalism, which, based on aggregative conceptions of democracy, it has been criticized as illegitimate and ineffective. Meanwhile, deliberative democracy as an ideal regulative provides normative criteria from which to assess current, political institutions such as the constitutional review. Given this conceptual framework, the aim of this paper will be to explicit a deliberative multisited constitutional control design, apt for the complex political context in which contemporary democratic societies are inscribed.
