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Sociology - De toon en de inhoud van de debatten over de multiculturele samenleving zijn de laatste jaren veranderd. Van links tot rechts is de politiek teruggekomen van een lang in stand gehouden consensus dat de komst van migranten een verrijking van de samenleving betekende. Het inzicht dat de toegenomen culturele diversiteit en de aanwezigheid van steeds meer moslims in de Nederlandse samenleving (ook) problemen met zich heeft meegebracht is nu uitgangspunt van de discussie. Vanaf de eeuwwisseling is de overtuiging gegroeid dat een hardere opstelling naar migranten en veeleisender beleid noodzakelijk zijn voor succesvolle integratie. Daarnaast wordt steeds meer nadruk gelegd op het belang van de 'nationale identiteit'; voor migranten om te weten in wat voor een samenleving zij moeten inburgeren en voor de mensen 'van hier' om met de onzekerheid van een veranderende leefomgeving om te kunnen gaan. Het multiculturalisme als ideaal heeft zijn aantrekkelijkheid voor velen vrijwel volledig verloren. Deze studie laat zien hoe een nieuw 'harder' dominant discours is ontstaan over de multiculturele samenleving en de nationale identiteit waarin cultuur en religie een prominente rol zijn gaan spelen.

In the Netherlands, the rise of new parties such as the Lijst Pim Fortuyn, the Partij voor cle Vrijheid, lead by Geert Wilders & the movement Trots op Nederland, lead by Rita Verclonk, have attracted much attention. In an attempt to interpret & explain the (temporary) advance of these parties, both commentators & political scientists have often used the notion of populism. In most commentaries however, it remains unclear what the term exactly means & whether it has any explanatory value. The aim of this article is to investigate whether Rita Verclonk & Geert Wilders & their movements may actually be labeled as populist. By discerning the presence of the features of an ideal-typical populism in discourse & performance of both politicians their 'degree of populism' is measured. The differences in degree of populism also helps to explain why Geert Wilders & his party proved (thus far) more successful & durable. Adapted from the source document.

An approach to the content analysis of evaluative discourse is proposed that is based on identification of meaning objects -- including actors, empirical variables, attributes, norms & values, & abstract philosophical entities -- & of two place predicates -- ie, verbal statements about the relation between one meaning object & another. This relation is interpreted in graph theoretical terms. This technique is applied to political texts & demonstrated to generate reliable content analyses. 11 Diagrams, 1 Appendix, 13 References. Modified HA

The central question of this dissertation is what role national identity has played in the interdepartmental policy field of international cultural policy (ICP) in the Netherlands between 1970 and 2012. In four chapters I analyse the history of ICP and the related political debate, using a theoretical framework consisting of the main concepts of a Discourse Historic Analysis (critique, ideology, and power), and tensions within the discourses on ICP and national identity. The role of national identity in the first period (1970-1986) is characterized as 'cultural nationalism'. Culture plays an important role in distinguishing the nation state from the rest of the world, and due to the decreasing autonomy in the field of economics and politics culture is considered (by some) to be the last bearer of the national identity. The debates focus on the question whether or not the government has a role in (actively) protecting that identity. The publication of the report "Culture without borders" by the Scientific Council for Government Policy marks the beginning of the second period (1987-1996). Gradually the primacy of the policy shifts from foreign to cultural policy, and attempts are made to combine within ICP the growing cultural diversity of the Dutch society with the uniting role of a national identity. Therefore the role of national identity is characterized as 'multiculturalism'. Extra funding for international cultural activities in 1997 marks the beginning of the third period (1997-2006), in which the role of national identity is characterized as 'cultural relativism'. The relationship between culture and the nation becomes more loose, and cultural activities abroad no longer seem to represent the nation's identity. This approach in ICP contrasts strongly with the growing discontent and heated public and political debate on national identity. Characteristic for the fourth period (2007-2012) is the return to the primacy of foreign policy and the focus on diplomatic and economic goals. Culture is treated as a ...