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The 1990s have witnessed several financial crises, of which the East Asia and Mexico tequila crises are perhaps the most well-known. What impact have these crises had on labor markets, household incomes, and poverty? Total employment fell by much less than production declines and even increased in some cases. However, these aggregates mask considerable churning in employment across sectors, employment status, and location. Economies that experienced the sharpest currency depreciations suffered the deepest cuts in real wages, though deeper cuts in real wages relative to Gross Domestic Product (GDP) were associated with smaller rises in unemployment. To some extent, families smoothed their incomes through increased labor force participation and private transfers, though the limited evidence available suggests that wealthier families were better able to smooth consumption. The initial impact of the crises was on the urban corporate sector, but rural households were affected as well and in some instances suffered deeper losses than did urban families. School enrollment declined, especially among poorer families, as did use of health facilities, but the impact on children's nutrition levels appears to vary. Crises have typically proved short-lived, but whether households plunged into poverty during a crisis is able to recover as the economy does remain an open question.

Die philosophische Diskussion um das, was mit Macht bezeichnet wird, bewegt sich vornehmlich im Rahmen des Politischen. Auch die Autoren, die Macht für eine anthropologische Konstante erachten, wie zum Beispiel Georges Sorel, Thomas Hobbes, Helmuth Plessner und Hannah Arendt, entwerfen den Begriff in der Regel im Hinblick auf ein Staats- oder Gemeinwesen. Im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert macht sich, als Folge der Industrialisierung, in den politischen Theorien eine zunehmende Berücksichtigung der ökonomischen Herrschaftsverhältnisse bemerkbar, wobei jedoch das Phänomen der Macht ebenso wie das Selbstverhältnis des handelnden Einzelsubjekts wie zum Beispiel bei Karl Marx, keine gebührende theoretische Beachtung finden. Im Bereich der Psychologie, der Soziologie und der Wirtschaftswissenschaften findet sich hingegen ein reichhaltiges Sammelsurium zu Fragen der. Zumeist beschäftigen sich die einschlägigen Publikationen jedoch überwiegend mit empirischen Problemen wie Management- und Konfliktlösungsstrategien. In der Regel ist eine theoretisch philosophische Fundierung des Subjekt- oder Machtbegriffs ebenso wie in der Politologie nicht zu erkennen. So schreibt Paul Noack: "Neuere Ansätze, Macht als ein sozialtechnisches Steuerungsmittel zu beschreiben, das heißt, sie als eine Kraft einzuordnen, die den Beziehungen zwischen den politischen Akteuren zugrunde liegt verzichten auf eine umfassende Definition. An Stelle dessen tritt der Versuch, die Wirkung und die Verteilung von Macht zu erkennen." Generell ist festzustellen, dass sich auch Autoren mit philosophischem Anspruch zumeist nur mit den Folgen der Machtausübung in größeren Zusammenhängen auseinandersetzen. Anstatt den Begriff in seiner Tiefe auszuloten und auch nach dem handelnden, Macht ausübenden Subjekt zu fragen, sind die Ausführungen bezüglich dessen, was das spezifische der Macht anbelangt, zumeist sehr oberflächlich und verlassen nur selten die Ebene der Empirie. Das Scheitern vieler Versuche das Phänomen der Macht zu beschreiben hat in der Regel seine Ursache im verfehlten Ansatzpunkt der Untersuchungen. Nicht die empirische Beobachtung muss, so man den ontologischen Status der Macht fassen will, als Ausgangspunkt der Untersuchung gewählt werden. Will man das Wesen der Macht verstehen, müssen die Vorgänge, welche die Konstitution des Subjekts, das machtvoll in den Weltlauf eingreift, bedingen sowie der Begriff der Subjektivität in ihrer ganzen Breite untersucht werden. Ein tieferes Verständnis der wechselseitig aufeinander verwiesenen Begriffe Subjektivität und Macht kann nur eine Analyse der das Subjekt beziehungsweise das Individuum konstituierenden Vorgänge leisten. Das Phänomen Macht kann erst dann Gegenstand einer Theorie werden, wenn es gelingt zu klären, wie ein Subjekt sich als Subjekt – das heißt als Ich – er- und begreift. Darüber hinaus muss geklärt werden, wie der Wandel vom Rezipienten amorpher, kontingenter Reize hin zum interpretierenden und handelnden Zurechnungssubjekt vonstatten geht. In der Auseinandersetzung mit der Philosophie der Subjektivität wird aufgezeigt, dass Macht und deren Ausübung nicht zum Beispiel in der Angst vor einem gewaltsamen Tod (Hobbes), dem Streben nach Lust (Helvetius), dem Streben nach wodurch auch immer motivierter Kommunikation (Arendt, Luhmann, Habermas) oder ähnlichem wurzelt, sondern, dass Macht als ein unbedingtes, diesen empirisch beobachtbaren Verhaltensmustern vorgelagertes Phänomen der Selbstvergewisserung und Selbstkonstitution des Subjekts betrachtet werden muß. Subjektivität ist ohne den Begriff der Macht nicht denkbar und umgekehrt. Die vorliegenden Arbeit zeigt auf, dass das einzelne Subjekt, wie der Begriff der Subjektivität, insofern auf den Begriff der Macht verwiesen sind, als das Ausüben von Macht die Form des "In-der-Welt-Seins" der Subjektivität ist. Macht und Subjektivität stehen in einem gegenseitigen Verweisungszusammenhang. Es sind zwei Begriffe, die wechselseitig füreinander konstitutiv sind. Subjektivität lässt sich nicht ohne Macht denken und Macht lässt sich ohne den Begriff der Subjektivität nicht verstehen. Subjektivität, so die These der vorliegenden Arbeit, ist das machtvolle, nach Fichte vor allem vernunftgeleitete, Gestalten von Welt und Gemeinschaft durch ein Ich, das sich zu sich und zur Macht selbst ermächtigt hat und als solches für sein Handeln verantwortlich ist. Im ersten Teil der vorliegenden Arbeit wird das subjectum dem Wortsinn entsprechend anhand der Arbeiten von Johann Gottlieb Fichte und Walter Schulz als das "Zugrundeliegende" aufgewiesen. Im Anschluß an die zwei grundlegenden Theorien der Subjektivität folgt im zweiten Teil ein Aufriss klassischer Theorien der Macht, der deutlich die mangelnde theoretische Fundierung derselben bezüglich einer Theorie der Subjektivität aufzeigt. Im dritten Teil erfolgt der Versuch des Entwurfs einer Theorie der Macht auf der Basis einer Theorie der Subjektivität. ; The discussion and analysis of what we call 'power' is largely confined to the narrow field of politics and political science, apart from a few exceptions. Even philosophers like Georges Sorel, Thomas Hobbes, Helmut Plessner and Hannah Arendt, who consider power an anthropological constant, draft the idea with regard to political systems or communities. In the 19th and 20th centuries the consequences of industrialisation found their way into political theories, and as a result economical structures of power were considered more and more important. But neither the phenomenon of power nor the relation of the acting single subject to itself (like e.g. in Karl Marx' work) were discussed on a sound theoretical basis. However, in the fields of psychology, sociology and economic sciences there is an abundant coverage of the question of power. Yet the pertinent publications mostly deal with empirical problems like strategies of management and solving of conflicts. As a rule it is hard or even impossible to find any well-founded theoretical philosophical conception of 'subject' or 'power' neither in these publications nor in political science. Paul Noack writes: "Recent approaches which describe power as a means of socio-technological control, i.e. classify power as a force underlying the relations between political actors, relinquish a comprehensive definition. Instead, they try to recognise the effects and the distribution of power."1 All in all it has to be said that even authors who follow a philosophical approach in most cases just deal with the consequences of the exercise of power on a larger scale. They do not explore the idea of power in depth and neglect to pay attention to the acting subject that exercises power. On the contrary, discussions of what is specific about power are mostly superficial and rarely transcend the level of empirical observation. The fact that so many approaches fail to successfully explain the phenomenon of power is often due to an ill-conceived starting point of the discussion. I t is not empirical observation that can serve as a starting point if you want to determine the ontological status of power. If you want to understand the nature of power, you have to examine the processes which condition the constitution of the subject that powerfully engages in the course of the world, and you have to examine the idea of subjectivity in its whole range. Only an analysis of the processes that constitute the subject or rather the individual can yield a deeper understanding of the reciprocally referred ideas of subjectivity and power. The phenomenon of power can only be theorized about if you succeed in resolving the problem of how a subject considers and seizes itself as 'subject', i. e. as 'I'. Moreover, it has to be made clear how the change from a percipient of amorphous contingent stimuli into the interpreting and acting subject takes place. Through a critical dialogue with the philosophy of subjectivity this doctoral dissertation shows that power and ist exertion do not have their roots in e. g. the fear of a violent death (Hobbes), the pursuit of pleasure and desire (Helvetius), the pursuit of communication, however it may be motivated (Arendt, Luhmann, Habermas), or something similar. Instead, it shows that power is a phenomenon that precedes all these empirically observable patterns of behaviour, it shows that power has to be regarded as a phenomenon of selfreassurance and self-constitution of the subject. Subjectivity is inconceivable without the idea of power and vice versa. This doctoral dissertation shows that the individual subject, just like the idea of subjectivity, refer to the idea of power in as much as the exertion of power is the form of the "Being-in-the world" ("In-der-Welt-Sein") of subjectivity. Power and subjectivity refer to each other reciprocally. They are two ideas that constitute each other mutually. Subjectivity cannot be conceived withoutthe idea of power, and power cannot be conceived without the idea of subjectivity. The thesis of this dissertation is that subjectivity is the powerful, and according to Fichte mainly rationally-led act of giving shape and form to world and community by an Ego ("Ich"), that has empowered itself to itself and to power. And as such it is responsible for its action. The first part of this doctoral dissertation is based on the works of Johann Gottlieb Fichte and Walter Schulz and shows the subjectum in accordance with ist etymological roots as the "under-lying". Following the two basic theories of subjectivity the second part deals with an outline of classic theories of power, showing their lack of a sound theoretical basis concerning a theory of subjectivity. The aim of the third part of this dissertation is to try to present the outlines of a theory of power on the basis of a theory of subjectivity.

New data on highway stops and searches from across the country have spawned renewed debate over racial profiling on the roads. The new data reveal consistently disproportionate searches of minority motorists, but, very often, an equal or lower general success rate – or "hit rate" – associated with those searches. Economists are developing new models of racial profiling to test whether the data are consistent with policing efficiency or racial prejudice, and argue that equal hit rates reflect that the police are maximizing the success rate of their searches. Civil liberties advocates are scrutinizing the same data and, in most cases, reaching opposite conclusions. They argue that equal hit rates merely reflect similar offending patterns by race and thus that the disproportionate searches are racially biased. Meanwhile many constitutional commentators decry racial profiling on the highways as "plainly unconstitutional," while courts draw technical legal distinctions to easily dispose of civil suits alleging racial profiling on the roads. The debate over racial profiling on the highways is becoming increasingly empirical, technical, and engaged. It is also focusing increasingly on the issue of policing efficiency. The problem is, the debate is asking the wrong question and tracking the wrong statistic. The key question is not whether racial profiling maximizes the success rate of searches, and the key statistic is not the comparative hit rate by race associated with those searches. Instead, the key question for purposes of the empirical, policy, and constitutional analyses is: What are the conditions under which it is justifiable to use race in policing? The key statistics, it turns out, are the comparative elasticities of offending to policing and the relative offending rates of the different racial groups. When we pose the right question properly, it becomes clear that both sides of the debate have it wrong: the use of race in police searches is neither plainly unconstitutional nor simply efficient. Racial profiling on the highways can be justified as an effective law enforcement tool or, from a constitutional perspective, as a narrowly tailored policing technique that promotes a compelling governmental interest in law enforcement if the following three conditions are satisfied: (1) racial profiling has a long-term negative effect on the profiled crime, (2) while increasing the efficient allocation of police resources, (3) without producing a ratchet effect on the profiled population. These three specific conditions will only be satisfied in certain identifiable situations of comparative elasticity and offending as between racial groups. Under these narrow conditions, race can constitutionally be used in policing to advance a traditional law enforcement interest in combating crime. There may be other non-law enforcement interests that warrant using race in policing as well. There may be a compelling interest in having a prison population that reflects more accurately the demographic distribution of the offending population, or even of the population as a whole. There may be a compelling interest in combating crimes committed against historically disadvantaged groups. But with regard to the traditional law enforcement interest of fighting crime, race can only properly be used under these three narrow conditions. Race in this criminal justice context should not be treated differently than in other contexts, such as education or employment. If racial profiling satisfies the three narrow conditions, then opposition to racial profiling should be based on the grounds of affirmative action: because of this country's institutional history of racism, or in order to achieve a more balanced carceral population, or for other compelling reasons, the police should endeavor to minimize the minority representation in prison by profiling white offenders. Conversely, if racial profiling does not satisfy any one of the three conditions, then racial profiling should be conditioned on compensating innocent minority motorists who are searched for wasting their time, for diminishing their dignity, and for inflicting emotional harm. If one of the conditions is not satisfied, innocent minority motorists are being used for other purposes – for example, to increase search success rates regardless of a ratchet effect – and they should be compensated for the taking. As an empirical matter, it is fair to speculate, drawing reasonable inferences from other data sources, that minority motorists may have slightly lower elasticity of offending to policing because of diminished job opportunities and other market alternatives, and slightly higher offending rates because of drug trafficking patterns. As a result, racial profiling on the roadways may increase the overall costs to society, including the amount of profiled crime, and likely produces a ratchet effect on the profiled population, resulting in a greater disproportion of minority arrests or negative contacts with the police over and above any possibly higher offending rate. This is going to have significant repercussions on minority motorists: it is likely to more unevenly distribute criminal records, supervision, and post-punitive collateral consequences, and to significantly boost the public perception that minorities are drug users and drug dealers. Racial profiling on the highways, accordingly, is poor crime policy and, because of the ratchet effect, is not narrowly tailored to the governmental interest in law enforcement. Given that no federal or state agency has attempted to establish the three narrow conditions under which race could properly be considered in policing, the practice of racial profiling on the highways should be considered presently unconstitutional. The important point is, however, that racial profiling on the highways is presently unacceptable not because of any per se constitutional bar on using race in police searches, but rather because of the mathematics of criminal profiling. The central problems with racial profiling – possible adverse long-term effects on the profiled crime and probable ratchet effect – are problems about criminal profiling in general, not about race. The same problems may infect any type of criminal profiling, whether of minorities for drug possession, of the wealthy for tax evasion, of single mothers for welfare fraud, or of white males for domestic terrorism or serial murder. To be sure, the ratchet effect is most disturbing when it plays on race, as well as gender, social or family status, class, or wealth. The ratchet effect violates a core principle of punishment theory, namely that anyone who is committing the same crime should face the same likelihood of being caught, and that race, gender, class, or status should not affect that equation. But both the ratchet effect and the long-term effect on the profiled crime are phenomena that may undermine any scheme of criminal profiling. In this sense, the debates over racial profiling on the highways should make us reexamine our views on the larger question of criminal profiling more generally.

The book has described the dynamics of disease occurrence in populations and gives an overview of the major known health determinants of mortality decline, health risk factors and health services, and studies the health interventions options in two example diseases i.e. diabetes and stroke. We postulated that a lifetime multi-state modelling approach can be useful to describe disease processes and health care costs in populations and outlined the approach in the second chapter. After describing various case studies in the five application sections, a number of conclusions can be drawn. The multi-state models allow for analysing dynamic disease processes throughout a lifetime in relation to the actual stage of the health transition in a country. The dynamic components are threefold: 1) the substitution, clustering and synergism of health determinants and diseases, 2) the effectiveness and efficiency of health services, and 3) the effect of ageing of populations in quantitative and qualitative terms as both early and late survival improves. At all stages, there is a trade-off with other diseases when a first disease is treated. The model approach quantifies these effects and allows for an analysis in time. Chapter 4 shows that substitution and competition of multiple health risks, at all ages, may partly explain the lack of results of the introduction of health programmes as in international co-operation in health. The same chapter shows that multiple, also low cost, roads to population health exist by elimination of health risks and by improvement of disease survival. Computation of optimal pathways is possible. The chapters on stroke and diabetes show the relationship of health intervention mixes options, available resources, health benefits, and optimisation options. The stroke analysis shows that, in case of high available budgets, costly clinical interventions for all patients can be more cost-effective than low cost clinical interventions for small groups of high-risk patients. The diabetes chapter shows that, in case of low available budgets, low cost clinical interventions for small groups of high-risk patients can be more cost-effective than prevention. The general conclusion is that multi-state models allow for computation of multiple, optimum paths to health throughout a lifetime, depending on the societal resources available. Health policy relevance As multi-state models allow for quantification of the health and costs influences of each health determinant, including health interventions, they facilitate rational policy making. Broad policy questions in relation to the role of health determinants and health care provision can be specified, modelled and explored like e.g. the use of a zero health expenditure scenarios (chapter 4) and in the use of interventions proposed in guidelines (chapter 5-8). For other broad or detailed policy questions the model approach can be expanded or simplified according depending on the nature of the question. Ethical and political choices will have to remain with the domain of politicians and the public. A lot of the evidence-based approaches, prominent on the national and international agendas for health policy and health research, frequently and increasingly make use of health modelling approaches. It is unclear what the implications of this policy approach are for the production and distribution of health in populations, given the notion of multiple determinants in health. It is equally unclear what kind of barriers there are to the adoption of evidence-based approaches in health care practice. Chapter 9 outlines the ways in which health policy is informed by the results from health research and health modelling. It summarises approaches in health at three impact levels: inter-sectoral assessment, national health care policy, and evidence-based medicine in everyday practice. Consensus is growing on the role of broad and specific health determinants, including health care, as well as on priority setting based on the burden of diseases. In spite of methodological constraints, there is a demand for inter-sectoral assessments, especially in health sector reform. Initiators of policy changes in other sectors may be held responsible for providing the evidence related to health. There are limited possibilities for priority setting at the national health care policy level. Hence, there is a decentralisation of responsibilities for resource use towards providers and health insurance companies. They are encouraged to assume agency roles for both patients and society and ask to promote and deliver effective and efficient health care. Governments need to design national frameworks to strengthen their organisation to enhance their roles. The formulation of national health guidelines supported by evidence on effectiveness and efficiency will be one essential element in this process. With the increasing number of advocates for the enhancement of population health in the policy arenas, evidence-based approaches provide the insights, information, and tools to help with priority setting. RESEARCH RECOMMENDATIONS Model validation The book observes the start of multi-state modelling of population health in epidemiology, demography, public health, and health economics research. Up to now there are relatively few related research efforts. The designs, implementation, and application of generic multi-state approaches have been initiated. Important is the validity of the results. More model calibration and validation can and should take place. Validation can be structural validation (chapter 3) or external validation, using external time series (chapters 4 and 5). The developed models have relatively few free variables that can be used for calibration and reproduction of population-based time series of morbidity and mortality. An important free variable to be use for calibration is the non-attributable incidence of diseases. In combination with the risk-attributable fraction, it results in the observed disease incidence. The population attributive risk approach should be developed further to account for regression dilution bias and the occurrence of multiple diseases and multiple determinants. Another important calibration parameter is the effectiveness of prevention and curative services in daily settings. Related parameters, such as coverage, are usually based on cross-sectional studies. Incidentally, longitudinal follow-up may be able to give data on day-to-day effectiveness. Also comparison with special population groups that have remained without an intervention may give supportive evidence like studies on religious, cultural groups, on the uninsured, or on 'natural' experiments like war or strikes. A third group of calibration parameters is disease-specific mortality and morbidity. This group can be used for the large disease categories that we used for the applications (chapter 3-5). This would be for Mexico for the period 1950-1990 and for India for the period 1980-1990 based on the Federal Sample Registration Survey. Last, disease-specific calibration is possible for The Netherlands 1900-1990 and also, but with more uncertainties, from 1860 onwards. Expert validation of model structure and assumptions could be more explored and transparency increased. Examples are review procedures and panel discussions with researchers, policy makers and the public or its representatives. This would also give more room to account for the more subjective or political choices to be a priori made. Future research The main characteristic of the multi-state approach is a comprehensive consideration of disease occurrence, disability and the cost of disease through a lifetime at the population

Driven by unrelenting technological and market forces, telecommunications is today one of the world's dynamic economic sector. Until not long ago a relatively obscure territory of interest mainly to engineers, telecommunications today seem to be everybody's proper playing field. Large and small businesses, user groups, investment banks, policy makers, development organizations, legislators, economists, political scientists, consumers, students and lawyers, among others, are now also actively and visibly involved in telecommunications. Traditionally, telecommunications was regarded as a relatively straightforward public utility. Economies of scale, political and military sensitivities, and large externalities made telecommunications a typical public service believed to be a natural monopoly. In this environment, telecommunications development focused mainly on extending standard service, building basic networks, and improving the performance of the operating entities. The main issues were technological, and management of telecommunications enterprises was largely oriented toward engineering.Research in the 1960s and 1970s documented the importance of telecommunications as infrastructure for economic and social development. It was shown that telecommunication services are used in connection with a wide range of economic production and distribution activities, delivery of social services and government administration.They also contribute to the quality of life and social, political and security objectives. Where available, telecommunications benefit a broad cross-section of the urban and rural population by income, education and occupation. These features result in high social and private returns from telecommunications investment, as well as in a considerable financial resource mobilization capacity.Information is regarded today as a fundamental factor of production, alongside capital and labor. The information economy accounted one-third to one half of gross domestic product (GDP) and of employment in Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries in the 1980s and is expected to reach 60 % for the European Union (EU) in the year 2000. Information also accounts for substantial proportion of GDP in the newly industrialized economies and the modern sectors of developing countries.This increasing information intensity of economic activity, coupled with the globalization of capital flows, trade, manufacturing and other activities, resulted in strong demand for better, more varied, and less costly communication and information services. Demand growth has been challenged with rapid changes in telecommunications technology fueled by advances in microelectronics, software and optics. These changes have greatly reduced the cost of information transmission and processing. It changed the cost structures of telecommunications and many other industries, made possible new ways of meeting a wider range of communication needs at lower cost, reduced user dependence on established operating entities and increasingly integrated information and telecommunications technologies and services. Obviously these interrelated market and technological processes show no signs of decreasing or abating.In this context, telecommunications is now widely considered a strategic investment to maintain and to develop competitive advantage at all levels including national, regional and firm. Telecommunications constitute the core of, and provide the infrastructure for the information economy as a whole. Telecommunications facilitates market entry, improve customer service, and reduce costs, and increase productivity. They are an integral part of financial services, commodities markets, media, transportation, and the travel industry, and provide vital links among manufacturers, wholesalers, and retailers.Moreover, industrial and commercial competitive advantage is now not only influenced by availability of telecommunications facilities, but also by choice of network alternatives and control to reconfigure and manage networks in line with corporate objectives. Countries and firms that lack access to modern telecommunication and information systems cannot effectively participate in the global economy and politics. This applies to the least developed countries of Africa and Asia as much as to middle income countries, such as those in Latin America, East Asia, and Central and Eastern Europe that aspire to become industrial countries in the next decade. In that respect, this study is going to focus on the world's one of the most leading entity, European Union (EU)'s telecommunications status, Information Society and its vast project TEN (Trans European Networks) regarding its impacts on the interdependence between the European states in a broad sense, from politics, economics to social living.While doing it, after the introduction, the general developments of telecommunications in Europe will be mentioned by overlooking the regulatory progress in EU in part 2. With the beginning of part 3, the fundamental framework called Information Society (IS) is going to be explained by stressing on the aims and principles of this new era. However, beside its tremendous effects, living and working in IS brings up major questions. Basically, the two opposite ideas are in the minds of the people; on the one hand some says the new technologies and IS creates new fields of job and will bring profound dynamism to the every field of the life and on the other hand some says the new technologies and IS destroy more jobs than it creates, also it will create big gap between rich and poor regions, including people. However, the aim of this work is not to decide which is true or not, but to indicate two sides of the coin as clear as possible which will be done in part 4. In part 5, the way of Europe through IS will be stressed on the necessary suggestions of Commission. With the beginning of part 6 the very important IS project of EU, Trans European Networks (TENs) which is a very extended project, another words it is an advanced infrastructure which will pull Europe together to create a strong economy and better quality of life will be defined in part 6. Part 6 also highlights the main framework of TENs as "TENs for Telecommunications" and "TEN related IS Projects" of EU.After a general idea given by part 6 about TENs, part 7 will be dealt with "Community Support Program for Trans European Telecommunication Networks". The idea here is to comprehend the telecommunication related services and necessary applications in order to see their effect on IS through its expansion in Europe. Even though this work does not have a comparative character, lastly, in part 8 the situation of Turkey, regarding telecommunications and IS will be described. As it is mentioned the idea here is not to compare Turkey's situation with the EU countries', but it is important to give a general opinion where Turkey is. The new era is on its way. One way or another information and telecommunication is expanding into people's life if we like it or not. So that it is substantial to understand the situation of telecommunications and the Information Society in order to see our future more clearly. From now on the economical power is not sufficient if you do not have the power of information. The countries or in other words, societies which can combine economic and information power together with highly widespread telecommunication infrastructures, will be successful in the changing world. Here in this work the ultimate aim is not to discuss the technical or judicial side of telecommunications and information society, but to emphasize the importance of this new trend for countries' future.

AbstractWhat occupies us in this volume is how women at all social levels devise their own coping mechanisms to deal with the impact of externally imposed pressures. Their stories reflect the creative solutions with which they have come to terms with some of the resulting problems, but always in a very personal way and without recourse to any form of collective action or organization. With a few exceptions, most of these women are still committed to traditional roles and the perception of obligations, even if the content of the role has changed. At least these "core" roles seem ideologically more resistant to change, such that there is a considerable lag between changing social conditions and the values underpinning them (cf. Goody, 1984). Apparently, it is only when women have become exposed, either through education, overseas travel or scholarly professions, that outside ("Western") notions of feminism and gender equality emerge. It is the highly unique and privileged upper middle class who agitate and raise the consciousness of their "deprived" sisters, and who also initiate women's organizations and support centres. If an awareness of womanhood for itself, a gender-as-class type of feminism has yet to surface in most of the societies of Southeast Asia, it is still legitimate to pursue the question of situation of women as a group-in-itself, as a potential action group. If we focus on the kinship system, as we have seen above, there is little in the ideology, distribution of resources and male-female relationships in traditional Southeast Asian practice (the immigrant Chinese here being something of an exception), to suggest an undue exploitation or oppression of women as a whole. In the domestic arrangements of most of them, a modus vivendi had been struck, an acceptance of role complementarily whether labelled the "myth of male dominance" (Rogers, 1975; Hirschon, 1984), or the false consciousness so readily perceived by many outsiders. Operating from the domestic core, women devise all manner of individual strategies to pursue their interests, influence their kin and turn events towards their chosen direction. Whether within or outside the household, such strategies are in the broadest sense political and can have substantial impact upon the male world (Collier, 1974). Commonly, women act or achieve their goals indirectly through men, particularly by the manipulation of husbands, brothers and sons, so that even the Chinese woman may eventually come into her own as a mother-in-law. In this collection of stories, Chat is the supreme example of this kind of successful manipulator. Satisfaction may even be had vicariously, as in Tok Nyam's pleasure in seeing her husband and sons make the pilgrimage to Mecca ahead of her. All of these women have managed to make, within their own small worlds, a choice of action between two or more options: Maimunah and Ah Ling opted for a non-traditional life of their own in the city, while Zainab chose to retreat from it and ease her family into compliance with her choice. The Singapore women's solutions to their working situation constantly result in a creative tension and some changes in the original Chinese family organization. For all the poverty of her family, even Yurni has been bold enough to spurn employment with and dependence on Ibu Ica, whom she dislikes, taking up alternative sharecropping and embroidery jobs instead. Rufina left Manila to marry the man of her own choosing, and in the most desperate of circumstances, devises a constant series of strategies of survival, while she and Tia Lilia are both victims of a system of rural proletarianization endemic in the Philippines. The deprivations of the latter two women stem, not from their position in a kinship, domestic or male-dominated system, but rather from the inequities of the wider society beyond them. In the case of the Muslim women in particular, some "interference" or even conflict emerges between the ideologies of their religion and kinship customs. In matrilineal Minangkabau society, Islam's main impact on Yurni has been in diverting the girls to an inferior or less modern type of education in favour of preparing the boys for a profession or other career. Islam moulded the sequence of Tok Nyam's divorce, remarriage and such important events in her life as the pilgrimage, but in no way prevented her from enjoying an active community life and the profits of her pandanus mat trade. Zainab happened to be growing up at a time when Islam was on the upswing in her social set and the immediate pressures of her social environment undoubtedly provided some coercive effect. Yet the final choice was still her own: Maimunah, living in the same time and place, charted a different path for herself. In the final analysis, it is probably to the world beyond the kin and family group that we must turn to seek the locus of the real inequities and the sources of oppression as they affect women, both in Southeast Asia and elsewhere. As noted above, the origins of most of the problems of the disadvantaged women of our collection lie in their overall class position, or in the political situation of their country. Rufina and Tia Lilia are the most dramatic examples here, and to a lesser degree, Yurni. In these cases, it must be recognized that the men, alongside the women, are also in positions of dependence and deprivation lacking the means to take control of their own lives and condition. It is a fallacy to assume that women represent an undifferentiated common interest group on the basis of their gender alone, for factors more powerful emerge on the backs of such distinctions as wealth, status, class, ethnicity and religion. Even the "advantages" of involvement in modern economic development, employment and education institutions are dependent upon these same distinctions, such that, for example, elite women may benefit more than those of lower status, as shown by Ibu Ica and Yurni, or women of one ethnic origin may be eligible for certain employment opportunities less available to those of other backgrounds for political reasons, as the urban careers of Maimunah, Zainab and Ah Ling illustrate. In the Philippines, it is to the destructive process of increasing rural proletarianization and poverty affecting the country as a whole that Rufina and Tia Lilia owe their pitiful existence, of which their menfolk are equally victims. Women in their own daily lives take cognisance of these various roles in devising strategies of action and charting paths to particular goals. None of this is quantifiable in any reliable way and to attempt to do so is to reduce the women actors to the anonymous shadow, dependent role occupants that most feminists would strenuously avoid. The alternative pursued here is the biographical method which allows us to present more of the individual richness of the situations of a small sample of selected women, as seen through their own eyes. In this exercise, the observer/biographers have deliberately refrained from passing judgment of a cultural, feminist or other variety, instead using the opportunity for interaction with their subjects to gain insights into both cultures through a process of defamiliarization and refamiliarization simultaneously.

The crisis of authority in the U.S.S.R. (1988 - July 1991).
After a preliminary reference to the ideological options open to Mikhail Gorbachev, initiator of the break-up of Stalinism, and the mistrust which be inspires, both among some of his opponents as well as among right-wing conservatives, the author considers the recent evolution of the Soviet Union, from the monopoly of Party rule to the difficult birth of a pluralistic regime.
He first raises the question of the Party's attitude to perestroika. Article 6 of the Constitution of 1977, which aknowledges the leading role of the Party, was reluctantly annulled by Gorbachev, but annuled it was, thus leaving the way open for pluralism. Condemnation of factionalism within the body of the Party has not prevented the emergence of various "tendencies" (particularly the democratic Platform and the marxist Platform) which find official expression. Similarly, political and social groupings, independent of authority, began to proliferate : from groupings moved by a common principle, for example tne Safeguarding of the national heritage, or the defense of the environment, they rapidly became popular fronts, lending the system a de facto pluralism which would only later enjoy a de jure existence.
This spontaneous development took shape first of all in the Baltic countries, and then with increasing momentum spread to all the republics. In parallel with this, the communist Party leadership initiated a reform of the political system, which found expression in the semi-free elections of March 1989, marked by the defeat of various party and State notables. This was the beginning of a multi-party system, there having been two major opposing tendencies during the campaign for the regional elections in the spring of 1990 : the democratic Russia bloc (liberal) and the patriotic Russian bloc (conservative), surrounded by a multiplicity of organizations of the most diverse and constantly evolving tendencies. The charge levelled against them is that they have no autonomous ideas or initiative, and have only one single programme : mass rejection of the Party apparatus. Some observers are of the opinion that a deep schism will develop within the CPSU, and that this will give rise to a real multi-party system. The first stage of this development has just begun, with the movement for democratic reforms, which was launched in July 1991 by frontline reformers.
The other major problem which arises is that of the preservation or the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The authority of the Center is in question, and already six republics have decided to leave the union, proclaiming their sovereignty loud and long (the three Baltic states, Armenia, Georgia and Moldavia). But although the right of scission is officially acknowledged, its implementation is a vast battleground (see the law of 3rd April 1990). The upsurge of centrifugal forces has led the republics, one after the other,
to proclame their sovereignty (primacy of republican laws over federal laws, economic autonomy, ownership of the soil and mineral deposits, etc.) or their outright indépendance. Autonomous Republics and territories followed suit, opposing the authorities of the republics to which they belonged. Inter-ethnic conflict broke out all over.
The dispute over federal authority led to a "way over laws", setting the Centre at odd with republics resolved to insist on recognition of their rights (ownership of all the ressources found on their territory, freedom to exploit these resources, etc.). In this context, the question of finance and the budget had pride of place, together with that of material and technological supplies. The entire supply system was disorganized, with the republics refusing to carry out the orders of the State, or to deliver consumers' goods outside of their frontiers, in order to avoid a worsening of their own shortages. The Soviet government tried to combat the supply problems, at least in part, by setting up commodity markets. A series of economic programms was worked out, including V. Pavlov's anti-crisis plan (April 1991) which was adopted by the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, but it is not entirely clear how the economic responsabilities will be apportioned among the Central authorities, the republics and the lower-rank administrative bodies, and what will be the share of the state and private sectors. Also, it is not known how he proposes to overcome the present crisis, and how long this will take.
Another major source of discord is the army and the police. The republics demand the right to raise armed forces, and to assume the responsability for maintaning order within their territory. Certain of them, who have been the victims of attacks by the special forces of the Ministry of Interior, the OMON, have organized militias and defense groups, wich are virtually republican armies in embryo.
In the end, there was an overriding necessity for redefining the Union, and the first version of the new Union Treaty was adopted by referendum on the 17th March 1991. A slightly modified version of it was published on the 19th June, but neither the one nor the other gives a very clear idea of the respective areas of competence and the common areas of competence of the Centre and the constituent republics of the Union (and still less of the fate in store for secessionist republics). On the other hand, one can be sure that the Treaty will be the source of innumerable controversies and disputes, especially on the particularly explosive issue of the budget, taxation and the distribution of ressources. In the final part, the author ventures some thoughts on the future. He sets perestroika in the continuing context of the history of the Russian empire, recalling that the demands made (individual freedoms and democracy, self-determination and decolonization) were already those of the protagonists of the Russian democratic revolution of February-March 1917, which was "taken over" by the Bolshevik coup d'Etat. Now that the empire has fallen victim to its contradictions and weaknesses, and finally disintegrated, what will take its place ? The cure prescribed by the Union Treaty seems ill-adapted to the task, and several outcomes are possible : a resolute commitment to the way of democracy and decolonization, a return to an authoritarian régime but one establishing a market economy, the option of passivity while waiting for a solution "which will come of itself, or a return to thorough-going, tough dictatorship accompanied by a blood bath. If Gorbachev does not once more take his courage in both hands, and proceeds to decolonize the empire, however slow and piecemeal the process, others will do it for him. And in that case, we may fear the worst.

'The world has entered the urban millennium. Nearly half the world's people are now city dwellers and the rapid increase in urban population is expected to continue mainly in developing countries. This historic transition is being further propelled by the powerful forces of globalization. The central challenge for the international community is clear: to make both urbanization and globalization work for all people instead of leaving billions behind or on the margins ... Cities in a Globalizing World: Global Report on Human Settlements 2001 is a comprehensive review of conditions in the world's.

The problem of child labor has moved from a matter of regional and national concern to one of international debate and possible global persuasion and policy intervention. In crafting policy for mitigating this enormous problem of our times, it is important to start with a proper theoretical and empirical understanding of the phenomenon. What gives rise to child labor, and what are its consequences? What interventions might end child labor without hurting children? A well-meaning but poorly designed policy can exacerbate the poverty in which these laboring children live, even leading to starvation. The article surveys the large and rapidly growing literature on this subject, focusing mainly on the new literature based on modern economic theory and econometrics. It also looks at some of the broad policy implications of these new findings, with the objective of contributing to better informed discussion and policy design.

Despite its high economic growth, Chinas public expenditure management faces profound challenges: 1) The retrenchment of the Plan puts more of the burden for the macro and microeconomic policy on the budget. 2) Extra-budgetary funds and quasi-fiscal operations of the banking system undermine fiscal discipline, which contributed to the repeated bouts of inflation. 3) Shifting spending to the Governments priorities is slow, and is in part undone during budget implementation. Over time, this could threaten sustainable growth and equitable growth. 4) While overall social indicators are high, regional disparities remain large. Government services seem overstaffed, which could escalate costs if wages continue to rise. To address these challenges, China needs to reform its public expenditure management. Chinas first priority is restoring fiscal discipline - to delineate a clear budget constraint for every line ministry and unit, and break down the sectoral budgets into organizational budgets. To forge a stronger link between the State Councils policy priorities and the budget, China needs to revamp its budget process. The State should focus on articulating the governments strategic priorities, but leave detailed planning for achieving these priorities to line ministries. Decentralized administration can be a major asset for cost-effective service delivery, if accountability for performance is improved.

1. Introduction to Rheology -- 1.1 What is Rheology? -- 1.2 Why Rheological Properties are Important -- 1.3 Stress as a Measure of Force -- 1.4 Strain as a Measure of Deformation -- 1.4.1 Strain Measures for Simple Extension -- 1.4.2 Shear Strain -- 1.5 Rheological Phenomena -- 1.5.1 Elasticity; Hooke's Law -- 1.5.2 Viscosity -- 1.5.3 Viscoelasticity -- 1.5.4 Structural Time Dependency -- 1.5.5 Plasticity and Yield Stress -- 1.6 Why Polymeric Liquids are Non-Newtonian -- 1.6.1 Polymer Solutions -- 1.6.2 Molten Plastics -- 1.7 A Word About Tensors -- 1.7.1 Vectors -- 1.7.2 What is a Tensor? -- 1.8 The Stress Tensor -- 1.9 A Strain Tensor for Infinitesimal Deformations -- 1.10 The Newtonian Fluid -- 1.11 The Basic Equations of Fluid Mechanics -- 1.11.1 The Continuity Equation -- 1.11.2 Cauchy's Equation -- 1.11.3 The Navier-Stokes Equation 40 References -- 2. Linear Viscoelasticity -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 The Relaxation Modulus -- 2.3 The Boltzmann Superposition Principle -- 2.4 Relaxation Modulus of Molten Polymers -- 2.5 Empirical Equations for the Relaxation Modulus -- 2.5.1 The Generalized Maxwell Model -- 2.5.2 Power Laws and an Exponential Function -- 2.6 The Relaxation Spectrum -- 2.7 Creep and Creep Recovery; The Compliance -- 2.8 Small Amplitude Oscillatory Shear -- 2.8.1 The Complex Modulus and the Complex Viscosity -- 2.8.2 Complex Modulus of Typical Molten Polymers -- 2.8.3 Quantitative Relationships between G*(?) and MWD -- 2.8.4 The Storage and Loss Compliances -- 2.9 Determination of Maxwell Model Parameters -- 2.10 Start-Up and Cessation of Steady Simple Shear and Extension -- 2.11 Molecular Theories: Prediction of Linear Behavior -- 2.11.1 The Modified Rouse Model for Unentangled Melts -- 2.11.1.1 The Rouse Model for Dilute Solutions -- 2.11.1.2 The Bueche Modification of the Rouse Theory -- 2.11.1.3 The Bueche-Ferry Law -- 2.11.2 Molecular Theories for Entangled Melts -- 2.11.2.1 Evidence for the Existence of Entanglements -- 2.11.2.2 The Nature of Entanglement Coupling -- 2.11.2.3 Reptation -- 2.11.2.4 The Doi-Edwards Theory -- 2.11.2.5 The Curtiss-Bird Model -- 2.11.2.6 Limitations of Reptation Models -- 2.12 Time-Temperature Superposition -- 2.13 Linear Behavior of Several Polymers 94 References -- 3. Introduction to Nonlinear Viscoelasticity -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Nonlinear Phenomena -- 3.3 Theories of Nonlinear Behavior -- 3.4 Finite Measures of Strain -- 3.4.1 The Cauchy Tensor and the Finger Tensor -- 3.4.2 Strain Tensors -- 3.4.3 Reference Configurations -- 3.4.4 Scalar Invariants of the Finger Tensor -- 3.5 The Rubberlike Liquid -- 3.5.1 A Theory of Finite Linear Viscoelasticity -- 3.5.2 Lodge's Network Theory and the Convected Maxwell Model -- 3.5.3 Behavior of the Rubberlike Liquid in Simple Shear Flows -- 3.5.3.1 Rubberlike Liquid in Step Shear Strain -- 3.5.3.2 Rubberlike Liquid in Steady Simple Shear -- 3.5.3.3 Rubberlike Liquid in Oscillatory Shear -- 3.5.3.4 Constrained Recoil of Rubberlike Liquid -- 3.5.3.5 The Stress Ratio (N1/?) and the Recoverable Shear -- 3.5.4 The Rubberlike Liquid in Simple Extension -- 3.5.5 Comments on the Rubberlike Liquid Model -- 3.6 The BKZ Equation -- 3.7 Wagner's Equation and the Damping Function -- 3.7.1 Strain Dependent Memory Function -- 3.7.2 Determination of the Damping Function -- 3.7.3 Separable Stress Relaxation Behavior -- 3.7.4 Damping Function Equations for Polymeric Liquids -- 3.7.4.1 Damping Function for Shear Flows -- 3.7.4.2 Damping Function for Simple Extension -- 3.7.4.3 Universal Damping Functions -- 3.7.5 Interpretation of the Damping Function in Terms of Entanglements -- 3.7.5.1 The Irreversibility Assumption -- 3.7.6 Comments on the Use of the Damping Function -- 3.8 Molecular Models for Nonlinear Viscoelasticity -- 3.8.1 The Doi-Edwards Constitutive Equation -- 3.9 Strong Flows; The Tendency to Stretch and Align Molecules -- References -- 4. Steady Simple Shear Flow and the Viscometric Functions -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Steady Simple Shear Flow -- 4.3 Viscometric Flow -- 4.4 Wall Slip and Edge Effects -- 4.5 The Viscosity of Molten Polymers -- 4.5.1 Dependence of Viscosity on Shear Rate -- 4.5.2 Dependence of Viscosity on Temperature -- 4.6 The First Normal Stress Difference -- 4.7 Empirical Relationships Involving Viscometric Functions -- 4.7.1 The Cox-Merz Rules -- 4.7.2 The Gleissle Mirror Relations -- 4.7.3 Other Relationships 176 References -- 5. Transient Shear Flows Used to Study Nonlinear Viscoelasticity -- 5.1 Introduction -- 5.2 Step Shear Strain -- 5.2.1 Finite Rise Time -- 5.2.2 The Nonlinear Shear Stress Relaxation Modulus -- 5.2.3 Time-Temperature Superposition -- 5.2.4 Strain-Dependent Spectrum and Maxwell Parameters -- 5.2.5 Normal Stress Differences for Single-Step Shear Strain -- 5.2.6 Multistep Strain Tests -- 5.3 Flows Involving Steady Simple Shear -- 5.3.1 Start-Up Flow -- 5.3.2 Cessation of Steady Simple Shear -- 5.3.3 Interrupted Shear -- 5.3.4 Reduction in Shear Rate -- 5.4 Nonlinear Creep -- 5.4.1 Time-Temperature Superposition of Creep Data -- 5.5 Recoil and Recoverable Shear -- 5.5.1 Creep Recovery -- 5.5.1.1 Time-Temperature Superposition; Creep Recovery -- 5.5.2 Recoil During Start-Up Flow -- 5.5.3 Recoverable Shear Following Steady Simple Shear -- 5.6 Superposed Deformations -- 5.6.1 Superposed Steady and Oscillatory Shear -- 5.6.2 Step Strain with Superposed Deformations -- 5.7 Large Amplitude Oscillatory Shear -- 5.8 Exponential Shear; A Strong Flow -- 5.9 Usefulness of Transient Shear Tests -- References -- 6. Extensional Flow Properties and Their Measurement -- 6.1 Introduction -- 6.2 Extensional Flows -- 6.3 Simple Extension -- 6.3.1 Material Functions for Simple Extension -- 6.3.2 Experimental Methods -- 6.3.3 Experimental Observations for LDPE -- 6.3.4 Experimental Observations for Linear Polymers -- 6.4 Biaxial Extension -- 6.5 Planar Extension -- 6.6 Other Extensional Flows -- References -- 7. Rotational and Sliding Surface Rheometers -- 7.1 Introduction -- 7.2 Sources of Error for Drag Flow Rheometers -- 7.2.1 Instrument Compliance -- 7.2.2 Viscous Heating -- 7.2.3 End and Edge Effects -- 7.2.4 Shear Wave Propagation -- 7.3 Cone-Plate Flow Rheometers -- 7.3.1 Basic Equations for Cone-Plate Rheometers -- 7.3.2 Sources of Error for Cone-Plate Rheometers -- 7.3.3 Measurement of the First Normal Stress Difference -- 7.4 Parallel Disk Rheometers -- 7.5 Eccentric Rotating Disks -- 7.6 Concentric Cylinder Rheometers -- 7.7 Controlled Stress Rotational Rheometers -- 7.8 Torque Rheometers -- 7.9 Sliding Plate Rheometers -- 7.9.1 Basic Equations for Sliding Plate Rheometers -- 7.9.2 End and Edge Effects for Sliding Plate Rheometers -- 7.9.3 Sliding Plate Melt Rheometers -- 7.9.4 The Shear Stress Transducer -- 7.10 Sliding Cylinder Rheometers -- References -- 8. Flow in Capillaries, Slits and Dies -- 8.1 Introduction -- 8.2 Flow in a Round Tube -- 8.2.1 Shear Stress Distribution -- 8.2.2 Shear Rate for a Newtonian Fluid -- 8.2.3 Shear Rate for a Power Law Fluid -- 8.2.4 The Rabinowitch Correction -- 8.2.5 The Schummer Approximation -- 8.2.6 Wall Slip in Capillary Flow -- 8.3 Flow in a Slit -- 8.3.1 Basic Equations for Shear Stress and Shear Rate -- 8.3.2 Use of a Slit Rheometer to Determine N1 -- 8.3.2.1 Determination of N1 from the Hole Pressure -- 8.3.2.2 Determination of N1 from the Exit Pressure -- 8.4 Pressure Drop in Irregular Cross Sections -- 8.5 Entrance Effects -- 8.5.1 Experimental Observations -- 8.5.2 Entrance Pressure Drop—the Bagley End Correction -- 8.5.3 Rheological Significance of the Entrance Pressure Drop -- 8.6 Capillary Rheometers -- 8.7 Flow in Converging Channels -- 8.7.1 The Lubrication Approximation -- 8.7.2 Industrial Die Design -- 8.8 Extrudate Swell -- 8.9 Extrudate Distortion -- 8.9.1 Surface Melt Fracture—Sharkskin -- 8.9.2 Oscillatory Flow in Linear Polymers -- 8.9.3 Gross Melt Fracture -- 8.9.4 Role of Slip in Melt Fracture -- 8.9.5 Gross Melt Fracture Without Oscillations -- References -- 9. Rheo-Optics and Molecular Orientation -- 9.1 Basic Concepts—Interaction of Light and Matter -- 9.1.1 Refractive Index and Polarization -- 9.1.2 Absorption and Scattering -- 9.1.3 Anisotropic Media; Birefringence and Dichroism -- 9.2 Measurement of Birefringence -- 9.3 Birefringence and Stress -- 9.3.1 Stress-Optical Relation -- 9.3.2 Application of Birefringence Measurements -- References -- 10. Effects of Molecular Structure -- 10.1 Introduction and Qualitative Overview of Molecular Theory -- 10.2 Molecular Weight Dependence of Zero Shear Viscosity -- 10.3 Compliance and First Normal Stress Difference -- 10.4 Shear Rate Dependence of Viscosity -- 10.5 Temperature and Pressure Dependence -- 10.5.1 Temperature Dependence of Viscosity -- 10.5.2 Pressure Dependence of Viscosity -- 10.6 Effects of Long Chain Branching -- References -- 11. Rheology of Multiphase Systems -- 11.1 Introduction -- 11.2 Effect of Rigid Fillers -- 11.2.1 Viscosity -- 11.2.2 Elasticity -- 11.3 Deformable Multiphase Systems (Blends, Block Polymers) -- 11.3.1 Deformation of Disperse Phases and Relation to Morphology -- 11.3.2 Rheology of Immiscible Polymer Blends -- 11.3.3 Phase-Separated Block and Graft Copolymers -- References -- 12. Chemorheology of Reacting Systems -- 12.1 Introduction -- 12.2 Nature of the Curing Reaction -- 12.3 Experimental Methods for Monitoring Curing Reactions -- 12.3.1 Dielectric Analysis -- 12.4 Viscosity of the Pre-gel Liquid -- 12.5 The Gel Point and Beyond -- References -- 13. Rheology of Thermotropic Liquid Crystal Polymers -- 13.1 Introduction -- 13.2 Rheology of Low Molecular Weight Liquid Crystals -- 13.3 Rheology of Aromatic Thermotropic Polyesters -- 13.4 Relation of Rheology to Processing of Liquid Crystal Polymers -- References -- 14. Role of Rheology In Extrusion -- 14.1 Introduction -- 14.1.1 Functions of Extruders -- 14.1.2 Types of Extruders -- 14.1.3 Screw Extruder Zones -- 14.2 Analysis of Single Screw Extruder Operation -- 14.2.

[eng] The interest in geographical information technologies has grown considerably over the last three decades. Today, geographical information is no longer the exclusive domain of government and public administrations (in the areas of planning, demography and topography), thanks to the development of computer tools which have enabled firms and academic institutions to use this information. Statistical information of this kind is usually published at a variety of territorial levels in order to provide information of interest to all potential users. When using this information, researches have two alternatives for defining the basic territorial units for use in the study: first, they may use geographical units designed following normative criteria (that is, officially established territorial units such as towns or provinces) or, second, they can apply analytical criteria in order to design geographical units directly related to the phenomena under examination. Most empirical studies use geographical units based on normative criteria, for several reasons: these units are officially established, they have traditionally been used in other studies, their use makes comparison of results easier and there is less scope for criticism. However, studies using units of this type may have an "Achilles' heel": they may be very restrictive, or unsuited the problem considered. For example, if we are analysing phenomena such as the regional effects of monetary and fiscal policy, how will the results be affected if the aggregated areas^ in each region are heterogeneous? Can these results change if the areas are redefined in such a way that each region contains similar areas? This situation could be improved by the use of regionalisation processes to design geographical units based on analytical criteria by aggregating small geographical units^, but without reaching the upper level, or alternatively by combining information obtained from different levels. In this context, the design of analytical geographical units should consider three fundamental aspects: a. Geographical contiguity. The aggregation of areas into regions such that the areas assigned to a region are internally connected or contiguous. b. Equality: In some cases, it is important that the regions designed are "equal" in terms of a particular variable (for example population, size, presence of infrastructures, etc). In this thesis dissertation, the term "area" will be used to denote the smallest territorial unit. The aggregation of areas will form a "region" and the aggregation of regions will cover the whole considered territory. Apart from aspects such as statistical secrets or other legislation on the treatment of statistical data, according to Wise et al. (1997), this kind of territorial units are designed in such a way as to be above minimum population or household thresholds, to reduce the effect of outliers when aggregating data or to reduce possible inaccuracies in the data, and to simplify information requirements for calculations and to facilitate its visualisation and interpretations in maps. See, for example, Albert et al. (2003), who analyse the spatial distribution of economic activity using information with different levels of regional aggregation, NUTS III for Spain and France and NUTS II for other countries, with the objective of "using similar territorial units". López-Bazo et al. (1999) analyse inequalities and regional convergence at the European level in terms of GDP per capita using a database for 143 regions using NUTS II data for Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Greece, Spain, France, Italy, Netherlands and Portugal, and NUTS-I data for the United Kingdom, Ireland and Luxembourg so as to ensure the comparability of geographical units. c. Interaction between areas: Some variables do not exactly define geographical characteristics that can be used to aggregate the different areas, but may describe some kind of interaction between them (for example, distance, time, number or trips between areas, etc). These variables can also be used as interaction variables using a dissimilarity measure between areas in terms of socio-economic characteristics. The objective in this kind of regionalisation process is to make the areas belonging to the same region as homogeneous as possible with regard to the attribute(s) specified. Unfortunately, in most cases, the aggregation of territorial information is usually done using "ad-hoc" criteria, due to the lack of sufficiently flexible regionalisation methods. In fact, most of these methods have been developed to deal with very particular regionalisation problems, so when applied in other contexts the results may be highly restrictive or inappropriate for the problem under consideration. However, whatever territorial aggregation method is applied, there is an implicit risk, known in the literature as the "Modifiable Areal Unit Problem" (Openshaw, 1984): the sensitivity of the results to the aggregation of geographical data and its consequences on the analysis. The main objective in this thesis dissertation is to implement a new automated regionalisation tool to design homogeneous geographical units directly related to the phenomena analysed which overcomes some of the disadvantages of the methodologies currently available. Thus, the specific objectives are: a. To formulate the regionalisation problem as a linear optimisation model able to take into account not only the areal characteristics but also their non-metric and contiguity relationships. b. To propose a heuristic model able to solve bigger regionalisation problems, incorporating in its search procedure the characteristics of a regionalisation process. c. To compare the homogeneity of the analytical regions designed by applying the regionalisation model proposed in this thesis with those obtained using another regionalisation method based on normative criteria. For this comparison, provincial time series of unemployment rates in Spain will be used. This dissertation is organised as follows. Chapter 2 briefly summarises the literature on different regionalisation methods. Special emphasis will be placed on those methodologies which have made the greatest impact on the specialist literature and on those that have been tested satisfactorily in real problems. In chapter 3 the regionalisation problem is formulated as a linear optimisation model in which the problem of obtaining r homogeneous regions is based on the minimisation of the total heterogeneity, measured as the sum of the dissimilarity relationships between areas belonging to the same region. The proposed model has the following characteristics: a. It is an automated regionalisation model that is able to design a given number of homogeneous geographical units from aggregated small areas subject to contiguity requirements. b. The aggregation process takes into account not only the characteristics of each area but also the relationships between them (symmetric and not necessarily metric). c. By formulating the regionalisation problem as a linear optimisation problem, we have the chance of finding the global optimum from among all feasible solutions. d. More consistent solutions can be easily obtained by introducing additional constraints taking into account other specific requirements that are relevant for the regionalisation process. e. There is more freedom than in other methodologies regarding the shapes of the regions, which depend only on data characteristics and are not imposed by the methodology chosen. f. With this model a region consists of two or more contiguous areas; this implies that no region can be formed by a single area. In order to apply this model in larger-scale regionalisation processes, Chapter 4 presents an algorithm called the RASS (Regionalisation Algorithm with Selective Search). The key advantage of this new algorithm is that the way it operates is based on the features of regionalisation processes themselves, where available information about the relationships between areas can play a crucial role in directing the search process more selective, more efficient and less random fashion. In fact, the RASS incorporates inside the linear optimisation model presented in chapter 3 in order to achieve local improvements in the objective function. These improvements can generate significant changes in regional configurations, changes that would be very difficult to obtain using other adapted iterative methods. In Chapter 5 provincial time series of unemployment rates in Spain are used to compare the results obtained by applying two analytical regionalisation models, each one representing a different regionalisation strategy: a two-stage procedure based on cluster analysis and the RASS algorithm. The results will also be compared with normative regions available at two different scales: NUTS II and NUTS I. Lastly, in Chapter 6 we present the most important conclusions and make proposals for further research lines.

[Resumen] La evolución que se ha alcanzado en este siglo ha dado lugar a cambios sociales muy importantes que han obligado a grandes demoliciones. La última mitad de siglo ha permitido la construcción de numerosas estructuras que poco a poco irán envejeciendo y se irán demoliendo. En España se recicla una cantidad muy limitada, muy diferente es la situación de otros países de la Comunidad Europea, en los que tras años de Ilevar a cabo actividades recicladoras, gracias a la formulación de objetivos políticos, a una legislación y control apropiados y a unas normativas y control de calidad, se están consiguiendo unos niveles de reciclado aceptables y en todo caso siempre crecientes. Con tal motivo este trabajo trata de avanzar en este campo, intentando establecer conclusiones que afecten tanto al área de las propiedades básicas, como a la del comportamiento estructural. De esta forma se han Ilevado a cabo ensayos experimentales de tres tipos: • Ensayos sobre el material: se realizan ensayos de caracterización de áridos procedentes de desconstrucción (correspondientes a la fracción 6-12mm y 12-25mm) con el fin de establecer procedimientos que permitan establecer conclusiones sobre la adecuación o no de los áridos reciclados existentes en el mercado español al campo de los hormigones. Para ello se Ilevan a cabo ensayos normativos de densidad, absorción, granulometría, coeficiente de forma, índice de lajas y dureza. Los resultados obtenidos ponen de manifiesto que, a pesar de que existen diferencias notables (sobre todo en cuanto a densidad y absorción) con lo áridos convencionales, las características de estos áridos son tales que permiten su uso para la fabricación de hormigones. • Ensayos sobre propiedades básicas de los hormigones: se establecieron parámetros de dosificación correspondientes a hormigones de prestaciones no comprometidas desde el punto de vista de propiedades mecánicas, trabajabilidad y durabilidad. Con dichos parámetros de fabricó un hormigón convencional y un hormigón convencional con humo de sílice (ambos de control) y a continuación se ajustó la dosificación para la fabricación de un hormigón con áridos reciclados y un hormigón con áridos reciclados y humo de sílice (que sustituían el 50% de las fracciones gruesas convencionales). Se Ilevaron a cabo ensayos de caracterización de sus características, densidad en fresco y en estado endurecido, absorción y sus propiedades mecánicas, resistencia a compresión, resistencia a tracción, módulo de deformación y roturas bajo cargas lentas. Los resultados indicaron que las substitución del 50 % de las fracciones gruesas de áridos convencionales por áridos reciclados proporciona hormigones de características físicas similares (menores densidades y absorción mayor en los hormigones que incorporan áridos reciclados) y características mecánicas también similares • Ensayos sobre propiedades estructurales: con los hormigones diseñados se fabricaron vigas de hormigón armado de sección rectangular. Para cada tipo de hormigón, se fabricaron cuatro vigas con distintas cuantías de armadura transversal que se ensayaron hasta rotura. EI diseño del ensayo se realizó de forma que la rotura se debiese principalmente a esfuerzos de cortante, de forma que se pudiese estudiar el comportamiento de los nuevos hormigones frente a este esfuerzo y la influencia de las diferentes cuantías en dicho comportamiento. Los resultados obtenidos mediante instrumentación (del acero, del hormigón y de las flechas en cada escalón de carga) indican pequeñas diferencias de comportamiento entre los diferentes hormigones, sobre todo en cuanto a cargas últimas, diferencias que aumentan cuando se trata la fisuración. • Los resultados de la instrumentación se contrastaron con el programa Response que aplica la teoría de cortante del MCFT (Modified Compression Field Theory), basada en el comportamiento real de los materiales frente a este esfuerzo, encontrándose que esta teoría caracteriza adecuadamente el comportamiento de todos los hormigones. También se realizó un contraste de los resultados con diferentes normativas (que aplican en general formulaciones empíricas), corroborando el carácter conservador de todas ellas, y en especial de la EHE. Finalmente se extraen conclusiones relativas al uso de hormigón con áridos reciclados en elementos estructurales y se dan recomendaciones y perspectivas de futuros trabajos. ; [Abstract] The developments carried out within this century have produced very important social changes that have been the cause of big demolitions. Many structures have been constructed during the last half of the century and sooner or latter they will get older and some day they will be demolished. In Spain the recycling culture is not as developed as it is in many other countries of the European Union, and the recycling activity is very limited. In those countries, acceptable recycling levels have been reached after years of increasing recycling activity, thanks to the formulation of politics aims, an appropriate legislation and control processes, and the existence of quality control regulations. For that reason, this work's aim is to move forward in this field, trying to find out conclusions that affect not only the area of the basic properties, but also those of the structural behaviour. In this sense, some experimental testing of three different types has been carried out, i.e.: • Tests on materials: characterizing tests have been carried out on aggregates from demolishing (corresponding to the interval 6-12 mm and 12-25 mm) with the aim of establishing procedures which allow us to find out conclusions about the adaptation to the field of concrete of the Spanish market existing recycled aggregates. For that purpose, regulation tests have been carried out on density, absorption, grading, shape coefficient, slab index and hardness. The results so obtained have shown that in spite of the outstanding differences (specially about density and absorption) that show up in comparison with the traditional aggregates, the features of these aggregates are such that they are allowed for their use in the production of concrete. • Tests on the basic properties of concretes: some proportioning parameters were established for concretes with not very tough requirements from the mechanic properties, workability and durability point of view. With those parameters, control conventional concrete and control conventional silicon-smoke concrete were produced and following, the proportioning was adjusted for the producing of concrete with recycled aggregates and silicon smoke (which constituted by 50% of the coarse conventional fractions). Characterization tests of those concretes were also carried out to determine their features: raw density and hardness state, absorption and mechanical properties, compression resistance, traction resistance, strain module and breakability under slow loads. The results showed that the substitution of the 50% of the conventional coarse fraction by recycled aggregates provides concretes with similar physical features (with smaller densities and greater absorptions for the recycled aggregates concretes) and similar mechanical features. • Tests on structural properties: with the so-designed concretes, some reinforced beams with a circular cross-section were cast. For each type of concrete, four beams were cast with different distribution reinforcement that were tested to collapse. The design of the test was carried out so as to achieve a shear force collapse, in that way, the behaviour related to that kind of forces of the new released concretes can be regarded, and so can be the influence of the different quantities in that behaviour. The results obtained with the gauging (of steel, concrete and strains in each load step) show some small differences in the behaviour of the different concretes, especially in relation to the limit state loads. These differences grow bigger as the cracking increases. • The results of gauging is compared with the programme Response, that makes use of the shear theory of the MCFT (Modified Compression Field Theory), based upon the real behaviour of the materials against this force. This theory results in an adequate characterization of the behaviour of all the concretes. The contrast of the results obtained by using some different regulations (that make use of experimental formulations) was also carried out, and as a result they all seem to be conservative in their analysis, especially the EHE regulation. Finally, some conclusions are obtained in relation with the use of recycled aggregate concretes in structural elements and some recommendations and prospects are given for future works.

Los estudios de calidad de las cuencas hidrográficas han adquirido gran interés en las últimas décadas, dado el incremento de población en sus riberas, el creciente grado de industrialización y los aportes del sector primario. En este trabajo se ha evaluado el grado de contaminación por metales pesados de las aguas y de los sedimentos de la cuenca del Llobregat. El análisis de los metales pesados tiene un interés especial al tratarse de una cuenca altamente aprovechada para el consumo en el área metropolitana de Barcelona que conjuntamente con la procedente del río Ter abastecen a una población de más de cuatro millones de habitantes. Por otro lado, este estudio supone un aporte de información valioso sobre la distribución de Sb, As, Cd, Cu, Cr, Hg, Ni, Pb y Zn en aguas y sedimentos de la cuenca del Llobregat, así como de la biodisponibilidad de estos elementos en el medio acuático a partir del estudio de especiación. Para llevar a cabo este estudio se establecieron diecisiete puntos de muestreo, ocho de ellos situados en el río Llobregat, cuatro en su afluente principal el río Cardener y cinco en el río Anoia. Las muestras de las aguas y los sedimentos se recogieron durante un año con una frecuencia trimestral. Los sedimentos se han secado a 105ºC para la determinación de los elementos Sb, Cd, Cu, Cr, Ni, Pb y Zn durante 24 horas y, a 60ºC para los metales volátiles (As y Hg) por un periodo de 16 horas y todos ellos tamizados a 63 mm de luz de malla. Esta fracción contiene la práctica totalidad de la materia orgánica y los metales pesados al mismo tiempo supone una homogeneización del material objeto de análisis. La extracción de los metales en sedimentos se llevo acabo mediante digestión ácida: con ácido nítrico y clorhídrico concentrado, utilizando recipientes de Pyrex cerrado durante 3 horas a 150ºC en baño de arena. Los contenidos metálicos en las aguas y los sedimentos se analizaron por Espectrometría de Masas con fuente de Plasma Acoplada Inductivamente (ICP-MS) ELAN 6000. También se han determinado los parámetros físico-químicos y componentes mayoritarios en las aguas y también los contenidos de carbonatos, materia orgánica y silicatos en los sedimentos, para tratar de establecer posibles correlaciones entres sus contenidos y los de metales pesados en sedimentos y para realizar una caracterización litogénica de estos materiales. Según los resultados obtenidos, las aguas de la cuenca del Llobregat presentan una elevada salinidad con altos valores de conductividad, cloruros y residuo seco. Estos valores destacan especialmente después de las explotaciones mineras. De los tres ríos estudiados el río que está más afectado es el Anoia, por los parámetros de salinidad. En lo que respecta a la concentración de los metales pesados en las aguas, cabe destacar en toda la cuenca del Llobregat sólo tres puntos de muestreo están sensiblemente contaminados, en el río Llobregat en Sant Joan Despí por el Ni y en el Anoia en Vilanova del Camí y en Capellades por el metal Cr. Teniendo en cuenta la legislación Holandesa, se ha constatado que los sedimentos están sensiblemente contaminados por Cu en el río Llobregat a partir de Martorell-L hasta Sant Joan Despí y en el río Anoia los puntos de muestreo de Vilanova del Camí, Sant Sadurní d'Anoia y Martorell-A. Por el metal Cr el punto de Vilanova del Camí en el río Anoia. En cambio el metal Ni supera los máximos valores estipulados en los tres ríos, en la mayoría de los puntos de muestreo. Finalmente, se ha realizado el análisis de especiación iónica de los metales pesados en los sedimentos por el método BCR. Se han determinado las concentraciones de metales ligadas a cada fracción. Este método recoge cuatro fracciones de metal: iones intercambiables y carbonatos (f-1), óxidos de Fe-Mn (f-2), materia orgánica (f-3) y fase residual (f-4). Este estudio nos ha permitido establecer que en los sedimentos fluviales estudiados la fracción más abundante de los metales Sb, As, Cu, Ni, Pb y Zn, es la fase residual. Por el contrario, los elementos Cd y Cr se hallan en las fases extraíbles. ; The study of the quality in hydrographic river basins have generated substantial interest in the last decades, because of an increase in population, the industrialization process and the contributions of the primary sector. The main objective of this work is to evaluate the contamination by heavy metals in waters and sediments from Llobregat river basin. The determination of the heavy metals in Llobregat basin has a special interest because this basin is highly made use of for the consumption in metropolitan area from Barcelona that together Ter river supplies more than four million of inhabitants. On the other hand, this study contributes an interesting information on the distribution of Sb, As, Cd, Cu, Cr, Hg, Ni, Pb and Zn elements in waters and sediments from Llobregat river basin, as well as the study of these elements in aquatic systems by means of speciation study. In order to carry out this study seventeen points were studied, eight of them situated in Llobregat river, four in their main affluent (Cardener river) and five in Anoia river. Waters and sediments samples took during a year with a quarterly frequency. Sediments have been dried to 105ºC for the determination of Sb, Cd, Cu, Cr, Ni, Pb and Zn elements during 24 hours and, to 60ºC for the determination of volatile metals (As and Hg) by a period of 16 hours and all of them sifted to 63 µm mesh light. This fraction make up the major part of organic matter and the heavy metals, at the same time suppose a material homogenization. The extraction of heavy metals in sediments was performed by means of a mixture of acid digestion: with HCl and HNO3 concentrated, using Pyrex vessels closed for 3 hours to 150ºC in sand bath. The metallic elements contents in waters and sediments were analyzed by inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometry (ICP-MS) ELAN 6000. Also the physico-chemical parameters have been determined as well the majority components in waters and carbonates content, organic matter and silicates in sediments, in order to establish the correlations between its contents and heavy metals content in sediments and to characterize these materials. According to the obtained results, the waters from Llobregat river basin present a high salinity with high conductivity values, chlorides and dry remainder. These values emphasize specially after the mining operations. Among three rivers studied the most affected is Anoia river, by the salinity parameters. In reference to the heavy metals concentration in waters, it is worthwhile emphasizing that only three points from Llobregat basin are sensibly contaminated: in Sant Joan Despí by Ni metal (Llobregat river) and in Vilanova of the Camí and Capellades by the Cr metal (Anoia river). According to the Dutch legislation, Martorell-A point corresponding to Llobregat river, are contaminated by Cu metal from Martorell-L to Sant Joan Despí and the points from Vilanova of the Camí, Sant Sadurní d'Anoia and Martorell-A in Anoia river. The point from Vilanova of the Camí in Anoia river is contaminated by Cr metal. However, Ni metal surpasses the maximum values stipulated in the three rivers. Finally, the analysis of ionic speciation of heavy metals has been made in sediments by BCR method by determining metal concentrations related to each fraction. This method studies four fractions of metal: interchangeable ions and carbonates (f1), Fe-Mn oxides (f2), organic matter (f-3) and residual phase (f-4). This study allow us to establish that the most abundant fraction of metals as Sb, As, Cu, Ni, Pb and Zn in fluvial sediments, exist in the residual phase. On the contrary, Cd and Cr elements are in the extracted phase. ; Postprint (published version)