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There are examinated the aspects of practical realization of the principles of local autonomy and the particularities of the local public administration reform making in the Republic of Moldova. This study also analyses the correspondence between the rules laid down in national legislation on local autonomy and the European standards. The particularities and the consequences of creating the autonomous territorial unit with the special legal status - Gagauzia have been presented. The prerogatives of the People's Assembly of Gagauzia and in particular to adopt the "local laws" have been critically examined. There is no such category of "local laws" under the Constitution, in the Republic of Moldova. The constitutional text expressly provides that the laws can be: constitutional, organic and ordinary. The author mentions the fact that the areas where the Gagauz People's Assembly is empowered to adopt "local law" are regulated by organic laws. One insists on the fact that the local autonomy is a general principle of democratic administrative policy, whose application can not be subject to ethnic or other criteria. Local autonomy serves all citizens, provides more resources, and amplifies the local administration's initiative to improve the living standards. Using the principle of local autonomy as an opportunity to encourage the ethnic autonomy is a prerequisite for separatism and segregation, acts contrary to democratic society.

"With an ethnographic study conducted in a small French seaside village on the Landes coast as a starting point, this article examines the forms of temporary anchorings of a certain category of workers maintaining a discontinuous relation with work, space and time: the mobile bi-seasonal employees in tourism. Three ways of dealing with their seasonal workplace are discussed; first in terms of their entry and seniority; second in terms of contrasting patterns of assimilation which at first are highly individualized and then, viewed in a longitudinal manner, converge; and third as a tendency towards permanent settlement of a part of these workers on the Atlantic coastal region. This approach highlights the peculiar and evolving contexts of the place to which seasonal workers come to for temporary work, form social networks and, ultimately, construct a way of life, being and thinking." (author's abstract)

Multilingualism, one of the major problems in the new reality, is considered to be of crucial importance for the European Union, as multilingualism can be identified as the phenomenon leading to the cultural diversity and protects the disappearance of certain languages, mostly regional and minority languages.
The treaties and the decrees within the European Union aim at preservation of cultural and linguistic identities of every country. At the same time, the European Union gives the right to every citizen to have the dialogues with the European institutions in his own language. But, in practice, the things are not like in theory. So, we come across the questions: it is really possible to preserve the linguistic identity within the European Union environment? Or, is the application of multilingualism still a problem without solution?
Even if the European Union tries to preserve the multilingual reality, from the practical point of view the reality is considered to be much more complicated. In this case, the multilingualism, within the European Union, is the problem still expecting solutions.

The evolution of city regions and metropolises in both countries illustrates the theoretical debates on this particular geographical object. Political legitimacy, significant autonomy and a 'relevant' territorial area should form the basis of these regions. But there is a long way to go from this theoretical vision to practice. In Germany, a slow and contingent bottom-up process can be observed, whereas in France, following a long history of intermunicipality, institutional metropolises are emerging (MAPTAM law of 2014). Metropolregionen and métropoles thus differ. Germany shows incomplete and variable forms of metropolitan organisation, whereas French metropolises are satisfied with simple criteria of competences and resources. However, these 'intermunicipal' métropoles (one exception: Lyon) can also be compared with the large German cities, which are highly individualised political entities, with the city-states (e. g. Hamburg) being the most extreme cases. Two examples, Frankfurt and Lille, illustrate the comparison.

Quite apart from the diversity of situations in small and medium-sized towns, stabilising their town centres is a major challenge. In both countries, town centres have been weakened by commercial changes, a decline in the supply of services and transformations in lifestyles. They are characterised by an increase in vacancy rates, which accelerates a spiralling loss of attractiveness and atmosphere of neglect. Since the beginning of the 2000s, this challenge has been central in the public debate. In both countries, urban renewal has been a key element of this revitalisation policy. However, although the context of public action is rather similar in France and Germany, the modes of governance differ. In France the administrative municipal system continues to provide a narrow and fixed framework despite recent territorial reforms that favour the intermunicipal level. In addition, cooperation, communication and participation of local actors from business and civil society are more firmly anchored in social and political practice in German small and medium-sized towns.

Sustainability and participation have become two priorities of urban policies. They are usually considered perfectly synergistic, but they are not. This chapter aims to disentangle the imbroglio of sustainability coupled with participatory processes in the theory and practice of urban planning and development. To do so, it reflects upon empirical observations in the field of public policies in France and Germany as well as on some cases on both sides of the Rhine. Finally, this chapter describes and analyses policies and governance instruments intended to involve citizens in sustainable decision-making in urban areas of France and Germany.

Contrary to the positive perception of protected areas constructed by political entities as mechanisms for protecting biodiversity put under pressure by the demographic growth of populations and their needs, they have gradually revealed themeselves as areas of turbulence where insecure dynamics proliferate, ie ecosystems that escape state regulation and impact the security of surrounding localities. Protected areas in northern regions of Cameroon have thus contributed to the sustainable dissemination of vectors of crime and others forms of security threats. The question is therefore to know in what way protected areas constitute a security threat and how has the state reacted to the situation in the northern regions of Cameroun? The hypothesis defended is to show that protected areas are islands of cross-border insecurity, hence the process of state security.

The education is one of the most important sectors in every country in the world. In the framework of higher education, the courses about European Union take more and more importance. This paper put the accent on the transmission of the idea of European unity in the European universities. It also tries to establish the position of European studies in the curricula.

In the field of urban and regional planning, France and Germany have shown several analogies since the beginning of the modern age. However, there is still a difference between more centralised governance processes (France) and a stronger position of the municipalities (Germany). But the planning strategies of France and Germany have moved closer together. A comparison covering about 100 years must differentiate between German planning strategies in East and West Germany for a considerable period. Urban planning has been influenced by similar models like the Athens Charter or the Leipzig Charter. The latter, a European document, was renewed in 2020. Furthermore, in both countries, similar paths can be identified: the pursuit of a strong technical focus, the tendency towards sustainable development, more flexibility, the growing importance of integrated policies and the challenges of urban sprawl. Main doctrines like integration, participation and future orientation have accompanied urban and regional planning in Germany as well as in France.

Le problème que je pose dans ce cadre consiste à voir quel sont les pratiques des médias de service public à l'égard des représentations de la diversité religieuse et, plus précisément, à l'égard des représentations de transmission et communication de la foi dans deux pays européens dont l'un fort religieux et l'autre fort laïc, la Roumanie et la France. Il est question de voir en quoi le discours des médias publics sur la diversité n'altère pas le principe de la laïcité, la neutralité, le respect du pluralisme et l'intégralité des consciences. Pour ce faire, je vais retenir deux cas de figure, deux émissions télévisées diffusées sur les chaînes publiques de télévision en France et en Roumanie: l'émission "Le jour du Seigneur", avec ses déclinaisons d'intitulé au fil du temps "Programme du dimanche" et "Les chemins de la foi", diffusée sur France 2 et "Universul credintei" ("l'Univers de la foi") diffusée sur TVR1. En considérant ces deux programmes de télévision, je vais tenter de répondre globalement aux questionnements suivants: est-ce que tous les mouvements religieux sont-ils présents dans les médias audiovisuels publics autant que les acteurs des confessions religieuses traditionnellement implantées? Oui, c'est une réalité, certains mouvements disposent de leurs propres chaînes, mais leur présence sur leurs chaînes privées ne remplace pas un droit par un autre. S'agit-t-il alors d'une situation de monopole et de visibilité maximale des courants religieux dominants dans l'espace public au travers des médias publics? Plus de normalisation garantit plus d'accès compte tenu que le principe de laïcité prévoit l'égalité et l'absence de hiérarchie entre les différentes croyances et cultes?

Die ungarische Verfassung behauptet, daß die Richter in ihren Entscheidungen unabhängig und erst dem Gesetz unterworfen sind. In einem anderen Artikel der Verfassung steht noch, daß die Entscheidung für Rechtseinheit vom Obersten Gericht für die unteren Gerichte verbindlich ist. Formalrechtlich sind die Richter frei innerhalb des Rahmens der Rechtsvorschriften aber im realen Rechtsleben sind diese Rahmen durch Dutzende der Präjudizien und der Gerichtsausübungen eingeengt.

The Gnassingbé clan has ruled the country since 1967. The demand for political alternance, constituted the major contentious issue between the government and the challengers of the Gnassingbé regime throughout the survey period. The first local elections since more than 30 years took finally place on 30 June 2019 and resulted in the victory of the ruling party. Shortly afterwards, in February 2020, the President won also the disputed presidential elections and thus consolidated his power, assisted by the loyal army and security services. The outbreak of the Corona epidemic in Togo in April 2020 and the subsequent economic recession may have contributed to limit popular protest against the Gnassingbé regime. The human rights record of the government has improved but remains poor. Despite undeniable improvements to the framework and appearance of the regime's key institutions during the review period, democracy remains far from complete. However, the international community, notably Togo's African peers, the AU and ECOWAS, followed a 'laissez-faire' approach in the interests of regional stability and their national interests in dealing with Togo. Economic growth remained stable at about 5% per annum (before Corona). Public investment in infrastructure and increases in agricultural productivity, notably of export crops, had been the key drivers of economic growth. However, growth remains vulnerable to external shocks and the climate and has not been inclusive. Moreover, it was overshadowed by increasing inter-personal and regional inequality as well as an increase in extreme poverty. Money-laundering, illegal money transfers and trafficking grew alarmingly. Nevertheless, the business climate improved considerably.

Controversial constitutional and institutional reforms voted in May 2019 in parliament opened the way for President Gnassingbé to stand for a fourth and fifth term because the law does not apply retroactively. In February 2020, the President won again the disputed presidential elections and thus consolidated his power, assisted by the loyal army and security services. The outbreak of the Corona epidemic in Togo in March and the subsequent economic recession may have contributed to limit popular protest against the Gnassingbé regime. The human rights record of the government has improved, but remains poor. Yet, the international community followed a 'laissez faire' approach in the interests of regional stability. The economy dropped into recession due to the worldwide economic negative effects of the corona-crisis. The democracy index of the Economic Intelligence Unit, London, still rated Togo as an 'authoritarian regime'.

Controversial constitutional and institutional reforms voted in May in parliament opened the way for President Gnassingbé to stand for a fourth and fifth term (2020 and 2025) because the law does not apply retroactively. The first local elections since more than 30 years resulted in the victory of the ruling party. Grand expectations of the opposition which had hoped for a fundamental change at least at the grass-roots were again dashed. The human rights situation sharply deteriorated due to growing political and social tensions related to the prospects of the head of state running for a fourth term. Islamist terrorist violence spread from Mali to the northern frontier region of Togo. The autonomous deep-water port of Lomé developed as a growth pole and hub for the sub-region. China became the major partner beside the established partners the EU, France and Germany. The informal sector still dominated the economy. Economic freedom remained with the overall status 'mostly unfree'.