Suchergebnisse

Varstvo materinstva je bistvenega pomena za zdravje in dobro počutje žensk ter njihovih otrok. Ključnega pomena je ženskam zagotoviti dostojno delo in enakost spolov, saj jim omogoča združitev reproduktivne in produktivne funkcije ter prepreči neenako obravnavanje pri zaposlovanju. Magistrsko diplomsko delo obravnava diskriminacijo nosečnic na delovnem mestu na nadnacionalni in nacionalni ravni. Uvodu v drugem poglavju sledi opis pojma in oblike diskriminacije nosečnic na delovnem mestu, v tretjem poglavju pa so na kratko opisani dokumenti, ki urejajo diskriminacijo nosečnic na mednarodni ravni. Ker pa je bistvo naloge primerjalnopravni vidik diskriminacije nosečnic na delovnem mestu, ki se bo nanašal na primerjavo med državami članicami Evropske unije, je v četrtem poglavju opisana diskriminacija nosečnic na ravni Evropske unije, dve najpomembnejši direktivi na tem področju in sodna praksa Sodišča EU. V petem poglavju je bolj podrobno opisana diskriminacija nosečnic na delovnem mestu v Sloveniji, relevantna zakonodaja, postopki v primeru diskriminacije, primeri pred Zagovornikom načela enakosti in nekaj primerov iz sodne prakse slovenskih sodišč. Šesto poglavje je namenjeno primerjavi diskriminacije nosečnic na delovnem mestu v različnih državah članicah Evropske unije, v katerem so primerjane Belgija, Nemčija, Poljska, Romunija, Španija in Švedska. V sedmem poglavju sledijo moji zaključki in ugotovitve, kako kljub zelo veliki zaščiti nosečih delavk v zakonodaji še vedno prihaja do številnih diskriminacij, zakaj je temu tako in kako bi lahko stanje izboljšali. ; Maternity protection is essential for the health and well-being of women and their children. It is crucial to ensure that women have access to decent work and gender equality, to enable them to combine their reproductive and productive functions and to prevent unequal treatment in employment. Master thesis deals with discrimination of pregnant women in the workplace at supranational and national level. The introduction is followed by the second chapter which describes the term and forms of discrimination against pregnant women in the workplace, while the third section briefly describes the documents governing discrimination against pregnant women on the international level. However, since the essence of the thesis is the comparative legal aspect of discrimination against pregnant women in the workplace, which will refer to the comparison between the Member States of the European Union, Chapter 4 describes the discrimination of pregnant women at European Union level, the two most important directives in this field and the case-law of the European Court of Justice. Chapter 5 in more detail describes the discrimination against pregnant women in the workplace in Slovenia, relevant legislation, procedures in case of discrimination, cases before the Advocate of the principle of equality, and some examples from the Slovenian case-law. Chapter 6 is intended to compare the discrimination against pregnant women in the workplace in different Member States of the European Union, comparing Belgium, Germany, Poland, Romania, Spain and Sweden. In Chapter 7 my conclusions are presented and the conclusions on how, despite the very high protection of pregnant worker in legislation, there are still many disparities, why is this the case and how the situation could be improved.

Konflikti so posledica ali rezultat različnosti interesov, ciljev, mnenj posameznikov in skupin, pa tudi oviranja za njihovo doseganje. Pomembno je, da njihov izvor in vrste dobro poznamo, saj nam to lahko bistveno pripomore pri ravnanju z njimi in njihovem reševanju. Mobing je nadlegovanje, trpinčenje, ustrahovanje, psihično nasilje na delovnem mestu. O mobingu govorimo, kadar se neprimerno ravnanje na delovnem mestu večkrat in dlje časa ponavlja ter ogroža zdravje in varnost zaposlenih. Vzrokov za nastanek mobinga je veliko, med njimi tudi konflikt. Mobing lahko nastane kot posledica konflikta na delovnem mestu oziroma kot stopnjevan konflikt. Magistrsko delo zadeva področje konfliktov in mobinga na delovnem mestu ter njuno medsebojno povezavo. Razdeljeno je na dva dela, teoretični in empirični del. Prvi del teoretičnega dela je namenjen področju konfliktov. Na začetku poglavja o konfliktih je pojasnjeno, kaj pravzaprav je konflikt, temu sledi predstavitev vzrokov za nastanek konflikta in posamezne vrste konfliktov. Predstavljene so tudi posledice konflikta, njegov proces nastanka, načini ravnanja s konflikti in njihovo razreševanje. Drugi del teoretičnega dela je namenjen področju mobinga. V uvodu tega poglavja je opredeljen pojem mobing, nato so, predstavljeni vzroki za nastanek mobinga, njegove posledice ter vrste in oblike. Predstavljen je tudi proces nastanka mobinga in možni načini za njegovo preprečevanje. V zadnjem delu teoretičnega dela je predstavljena raziskava Kliničnega inštituta za medicino dela, prometa in športa ter zakonodaja, ki ureja področje mobinga v Sloveniji in Evropski uniji. V empiričnem delu magistrskega dela je predstavljena raziskava, ki je bila opravljena med zaposlenimi v poslovni skupini X. Z raziskavo smo ugotavljali prisotnost, vzroke, posledice konfliktov in mobinga v poslovni skupini X ter njihovo preprečevanje in reševanje. V tem delu magistrskega dela je predstavljena tudi analiza raziskave in preverjanje hipotez. ; Conflicts appear as a consequence or as a result of different interests, goals, opinions between individuals and groups and may also appear when achieving them. It is very important that we know its source and type, because that may essentially help us with dealing and solving it. Mobbing is harassment, torture, intimidation, psychic violence at the workplace. We can talk about mobbing when inappropriate behaviour at the workplace repeats for several times and for longer period of time and threats the health and the safety of employees. Causes for mobbing to emerge are many, among them is also conflict. Mobbing can occur as a consequence of a conflict at the workplace or as an increased conflict. Master's degree concerns an area of conflicts and mobbing at the workplace and their mutual connection. It is divided in to two parts: theoretical and empirical part. The firs section of theoretical part it is meant for the area of conflicts. At the beginning of the chapter about conflicts there is an explanation what a conflict actually is, followed by the presentation of the causes for conflicts to emerge and different types of them. There are also presented the consequences of the conflict, its process of arising and ways to deal and resolve it. The second section of the theoretical part is meant for the area of mobbing. There is a definition of mobbing as the introduction to this chapter, followed by the causes for mobbing to arise, their consequences and different types of it, the same as chapter about conflicts. The process of rising mobbing and possible ways for its prevention is also presented. In the last section of theoretical part is presented the research of Clinical Institution for medicine, traffic and sports and legislation that arranges the area of mobbing in Slovenia and in European Union. In the empirical part of the master's degree is presented the research that was made among the employees in business group X. We were determining presence, causes, conflicts and mobbing consequences in the business group X and how to prevent and solve them. In this part of the master's degree is also presented the analysis of the research and verification of hypotheses.

Not much research has looked at how diversity and gender affect military professionalism and diverse groups perceive this concept. Using a qualitative approach, the study examined perspectives on military professionalism and unprofessionalism among diverse members of the Albanian Armed Forces (AAF). To ensure a diversity of participants, the study was based on the constructivist paradigm (multiple realities) as well as the Gender Perspective in the Albanian Armed Forces report (2013), which helps identify the varying impacts of such research on diverse groups of men and women. A total of 150 individuals participated in interviews and focus groups between October 2022 and August 2023. The findings show that professionalism and unprofessionalism each have distinct characteristics, where leadership is a key factor. This study sheds light on the members' experiences and how the latter affect the way in which professionals are perceived. Keywords: Albanian Armed Forces, Military Professionalism, Qualitative Research, Diversity

Magistrsko delo obravnava temo mobinga na delovnem mestu. Mobing je eden od najresnejših in najhujših oblik nasilja na delovnem mestu. Prisoten je praktično v vseh organizacijah po svetu. Predmet obravnave in cilj naloge je izdelava primerjave mobinga na delovnem mestu v Sloveniji z drugimi članicami Evropske unije. Natančneje smo raziskali in opredelili pojem mobinga, pojavne oblike in razvojne faze mobinga ter vrste mobinga in opisali najpogostejše žrtve ter storilce mobinga. Opredelili smo tudi posledice mobinga za posameznika, sodelavce, organizacijo in družbo ter predstavili načine in ukrepe za preprečevanje le-tega. Preverili in analizirali smo tudi že obstoječe domače in tuje raziskave na temo mobing na delovnem mestu. V Sloveniji ni bilo opravljene večje raziskave na to temo, razen nekaj manjših. V okviru Evropske fundacije Eurofound pa je izvedenih več raziskav, v katere so zajete vse države članice Evropske unije. Za nas so v magistrskem delu raziskave EWCS (Evropske raziskave o delovnih razmerah) ključnega pomena. Dobljeni rezultati nam prikazujejo, da je v Sloveniji mobinga veliko več kot na splošno v Evropski uniji. Najpogostejše žrtve mobinga so mlajše ženske, v Sloveniji celo v večji meri, kot je povprečje Evropske unije. Največ nasilja pa se izvaja na srednji organizacijski ravni. Rezultati tudi kažejo, da je mobing prisoten prav v vseh državah Evropske unije, kar opozarja na resnost tega problema. ; This master's thesis deals with the mobbing at the workplace. Mobbing is one of the most serious and a worst-case of violence at the workplace. It is presented in almost all of the organizations around the world. The subject under discussion and the aim of this assessment is to make a comparison about the mobbing at the workplace in Slovenia with the other members of the European Union. We have defined in details a definition of mobbing, its reflection and the development phases of mobbing and all types of mobbing. We have also described the most frequent victims and persons who have committed mobbing. We have also determined some of the consequences of mobbing for individuals, colleagues, organization and the society. We have presented the methods and actions for prevention of the mobbing. We have checked and analyzed existing home and foreign researches about mobbing at the workplace. There hasn't been made any bigger research about the mobbing in Slovenia, just some smaller ones. In the context of European foundation (Eurofund) there have been conducted several researches, containing all of the members of the European Union. In this master's thesis are the researches of the EWCS (European Working Conditions Surveys) of key importance. The obtained results indicate that mobbing in Slovenia is in general more presented than in the European Union. The most common victims are women ; this is also above the European average. There is the most violence at the medium organizational level. The results also show that mobbing is presented in all of the members of the European Union, which shows the seriousness of the problem.

Sistemi organizacije državne oblasti se razlikujejo po načinu delitve oblasti, organih, ki so nosilci te oblasti ter njihovih medsebojnih odnosih. Parlamentarni sistem, ki je uveljavljen tudi pri nas, temelji na načelu delitve oblasti. Organi državne oblasti med seboj sodelujejo, se nadzorujejo, med njimi pa je z namenom preprečitve zlorabe oblasti vzpostavljen sistem zavor in ravnovesij. V moderni demokraciji med strankami na volitvah vedno poteka tekma za čim višje število glasov, zmago na volitvah in prevzem oblasti. Zmagovalna večina se poveže ter oblikuje vlado, stranke, ki niso članice koalicijske večine, pa čakajo na svojo priložnost na naslednjih volitvah. Vendar mora biti njihov glas vseeno slišan, saj odločitve večine postanejo tudi odločitve manjšine, ki mora zato imeti možnost vpliva na sprejemanje odločitev, poleg tega je pomembna tudi možnost nadzora dela koalicijske večine in izvršilne veje oblasti, v ta namen pa ima opozicija na voljo različne instrumente nadzora. Opozicija ima možnost uporabe svojih sredstev na različnih področjih, v okviru zakonodajne, volilne ter nadzorne funkcije Državnega zbora. Nosilec izvršilne oblasti je v parlamentarnih sistemih vlada, ki je parlamentu odgovorna za svoje delo, brez njegove podpore pa ne more delovati. Parlament, znotraj njega zlasti tudi opozicija, ima na voljo več instrumentov nadzora nad delom vlade, najpomembnejši so poslansko vprašanje, interpelacija in konstruktivna nezaupnica. Nesoglasja med parlamentom in vlado lahko privedejo do politične krize, v končni posledici pa tudi do razpustitve parlamenta in novih volitev. Obstaja več različic parlamentarnega sistema, razlikujejo pa se po načinu oblikovanja, sestavi in delovanju vlade. Naša ureditev se zgleduje po nemškem modelu, pri čemer pa v smeri skupščinske ureditve od njega odstopa v nekaterih pomembnih elementih. Predvsem je tu mišljeno imenovanje ministrov s strani Državnega zbora ter s tem povezani instrumenti, ki povečujejo individualno odgovornost posameznih ministrov v razmerju do Državnega zbora, kar je neskladno z modernimi parlamentarnimi sistemi, ki poznajo predvsem kolektivno odgovornost vlade. Taka ureditev relativizira pomen instituta konstruktivne nezaupnice, ki smo ga sprejeli iz nemškega modela. Zaradi naše neučinkovite ureditve bi bile smiselne ustavne spremembe, kar je zaznal tudi Državni zbor, saj je skupina poslancev predlagala spremembo ustavnih določb, ki se nanašajo na oblikovanje Vlade, v odzivu na ta predlog pa je nastal še predlog Strokovne skupine, ki je predlog poslancev analizirala. Ta naloga obravnava predlagani spremembi Ustave, predlog poslancev in predlog Strokovne skupine, s poudarkom na učinke predlaganih sprememb na položaj opozicije. Poleg tega so v nalogi predstavljene tudi nekatere druge možne spremembe Ustave, ki se nanašajo na način oblikovanja Vlade. Vsak predlog spremembe Ustave našo veljavno ureditev približuje določeni podvrsti parlamentarnega sistema. Pred sprejetjem kakršnekoli spremembe Ustave je torej vredno razmisliti, kateri ureditvi se želimo približati in kakšen vpliv na našo trenutno ureditev bi imel sprejem določene spremembe Ustave. ; The systems of state authority differ in the way they separate powers, branches of power that are holders of the power and their relations. The parliamentary system, which is established also in Slovenia, is based on the principle of separation of powers. The branches of state authority collaborate with each other and control the work of one another. The system of checks and balances is set up to prevent the abuse of power. In the modern democracy there has always been a race to get as many votes as possible, win the elections and take over the power among parties in the elections. The majority that wins is united and forms the Government, while parties that are not members of the majority coalition wait for their opportunity in the next elections. However, their voice has to be heard, because the decisions of majority become the decisions of minority as well, that is why they have to have an impact on decision-making. Besides, the possibility of supervision over the part of the majority coalition and the executive branch is important, for this purpose the opposition has different instruments of supervision. The opposition has a possibility of the use of its means on various areas, within the legislative, electoral and supervisory functions of Parliament. The government, which answers to the parliament for its work, but without its support cannot work properly, is the holder of the executive body in the parliamentary systems. The Parliament, and within it, also in particular the opposition, has several instruments for controlling the work of the Government, the most important are parliamentary question, interpellation and constructive vote of no confidence. Disagreements between the Parliament and the Government can lead to the political crisis and ultimately to the dissolution of the Parliament and new elections. There are several variants of parliamentary system, they differ in the way of forming, structure and working of the Government. Our system follows the German model's example, but as far as assembly is concerned, it differs in some important elements. This mainly refers to the appointment of ministers coming from the National Assembly and instruments referring to it. These instruments are increasing individual responsibility of individual ministers in relation to the National Assembly and that is inconsistent with modern parliamentary systems which are familiar with collective responsibility of the Government in particular. Such system relativizes the meaning of the institute of constructive vote of no confidence which is based on the German's model. Constitutional changes would be logical due to our ineffective system, this was also noticed by our National Assembly. The group of members of the Parliament proposed a change for constitutional provisions which refer to the forming of the Government. In response to this proposal, the Professional group, which analysed the proposal of the members of the Parliament, formed another one. This master's thesis deals with the proposed change of the Government, the proposal of members of the Parliament and the proposal of the Professional group, with emphasis on the effects of proposed changes regarding the position of the opposition. The thesis also presents some of the other possible constitutional changes that refer to the way of forming the Government. Each proposal of the constitutional change brings about our valid system to get closer to the certain category of the parliamentary system. It is worth considering which system is better and what kind of effect would passing a certain constitutional change cause, before even considering constitutional changes of any kind.

The concept of "hidden payout of profit" is characteristic for tax law, but inappropriate for corporate law, although it became deep-rooted in this field by practice. Within the context of corporate law it is not only about the problem of profit payouts, but also about the protection of the so-called tied up assets of a capital company within the so-called principle of capital preservation. The purpose of the corporate legislation is to prevent inadmissible interferences of shareholders or associates in the company's assets. Unlike corporate law, the purpose of tax law is to protect (fiscal) interests of the state, primarily to protect the tax base of the company as an independent and only subject to taxation, therefore the payouts of profit don't have an effect on the amount of the tax base, irrespective of whether the company pays out the profit in an open or hidden way. Hidden payouts of profit - as the open ones - do not reduce the tax base for income. The subject of the discussion are both aspects - the corporate aspect of hidden transfers of assets and the tax aspects of hidden transfers of assets within the law of joint-stock companies and limited liability companies.

Abstract. The aim of the article is to examine the relationship between the state, democracy and the Carl
Schimitt's concept of the political. That is going to be
done by reconstructing the concepts of Schmitt's political theory and finding out whether they can be used
to explain the ideology of the new right-wing populism
and illiberal democracy. As it turns out, the Schmitt's
reduction of the political to the friend/enemy antagonism makes the core of the illiberal democracies' ruling
narrative. The Schimtt's understanding of the political doesn't defend the state as a political space but by
cancelling of the liberal elements of democracy ruins
the state institutions. The analysis shows that Schmitt's
notion of the political cannot be used to build effective
democratic state institutions. Namely, in his definition
of the political, politics actually exists only on the outwards, towards some other nation, some other political
unity, but not within the state itself.
Keywords: state, the political, Carl Schmitt, illiberal
democracy