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Reached at the Euromediterranean high level summit held in Barcelona in November 2005, marking the tenth anniversary of the EMP, the main EU initiative structuring relations with the Maghreb & Mashreq in the Mediterranean has been widely viewed as a failure. Tensions between partners were apparent, & only modest success was achieved on a limited number of issues. This article considers the implications of the summit for democracy promotion in the southern Mediterranean. It argues that recent developments in the Arab world have fundamentally altered the context within which the EMP was created. Second, it is argued that while policy has been marked by "securitised" approaches in the wake of 9/11, the summit also took place amidst increased efforts to promote democracy. Finally, in the light of such developments, the article suggests that EU approaches to democracy promotion may prove to be more resilient than expected. Adapted from the source document.

On the occasion of Portugal assuming the rotating presidency of the EU, the article analyzes the European posture toward Turkey. An important question to address is the extent to which Turkey can be considered a European state, particularly within the context of Turkey's desire for a closer association with Europe. The article gives the history of Turkey's long-held desire to join the EU, for which it was campaigning in earnest by 1995. While the economic advantages to Turkey of EU membership are clear, the economic & other advantages for Europe are less so, & not all EU members share the same level of enthusiasm for Turkish admittance. The article concludes by arguing strongly that the EU has a lot of work to do in understanding Turkey better, & that Portugal's assumption of the EU presidency can provide an opportunity in this direction. R. Young

Portugal negotiated a Common Market trade agreement in 1972 & joined the EEC in 1986. Less known are the attempts to negotiate EEC association status in 1962 & in 1970. The decisive factor in determining an active role in European integration was to guarantee economic development &, thereby, social stability & the survival of the Estado Novo dictatorship. During the period studied, & indeed from 1945 onwards, no creditable development policy alternatives to active links with Europe were seriously put forward, & the colonies were not a rival policy option, but a subordinate policy option to Europe. The article also argues that the autocratic & colonialist Salazar & Caetano governments, as well as the democratically elected governments after 1974, adopted similar European policy options -- seeking future membership of the Common Market. It concludes that Portugal's post-war European integration policy was similar to other British-led OEEC members that initially rejected the political objectives of the Common Market but for economic reasons -- &, in the case of Portugal, after 1974, also for political reasons -- eventually became members. References. Adapted from the source document.