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The purpose of this essay is to analyze the impact of foreign trade upon the state and civil society in the first decades of Mexican independence. It will focus both on socioeconomic and political aspects of that impact. First, it examines the foreign trade at the end of the colonial period and the first decades of independence by reviewing available data. Second, it gives a brief description of some of the most outstanding consequences of this trade in respect to distribution of the imported goods, and unemployment related to the overflow of foreign products, especially textiles. Third, the essay outlines two types of state reaction: a more defensive reaction, pointing out certain aspects of fiscal and customs policy concerning foreign trade (protective tariffs); and a more offensive reaction by the state which promoted industrialization in order to become more independent from imports. This last aspect of industrialization, however, is discussed only in terms of foreign contribution (import of machinery, skilled workers/technicians, investment of "foreign" capital) to the process of modernization. Finally, the essay concludes by trying to provide an answer to the question of why the early attempts at industrialization failed.

El Area de Libre Comercio de las Americas (ALCA) tiene como objetivo unir en un solo mercado a las 34 economias del hemisferio. Las negociaciones deberan concluir en el ano 2005. Sin embargo, el ano 2000 es crucial dado que los temas a ser negociados seran fijados en la "agenda de negociacion". Inicialmente se establecieron doce grupos de trabajo y luego fueron transformados en nueve grupos de negociacion. Uno de estos se dedica a politicas de competencia, y probablemente sus resultados tendran los efectos mas duraderos en cuanto el control de las practicas de las empresas entre las economias del ALCA. En este trabajo se discute la razon por la cual se incluye en las negociaciones el tema de las politicas de competencia. (Apuntes/DÜI)

This collection covers the key areas of EU external relations law and broader institutional dimensions and principles of Union law. It does so under five headings - institutional dimensions; principles of Union law and legal theory; international law aspects; specific EU external policies (the Common Foreign and Security Policy; the Common Commercial Policy; and Justice and Home Affairs); and EU international agreements. Well-established academics and experienced practitioners from the different EU institutions offer a unique insight into EU practice and academic analysis of the most pertinent legal issues in the post-Lisbon legal environment of the EU, in particular in the external relations area --Back cover

President Ernesto Zedillo's trip to Europe in 1996 led to a new cooperation agreement between Mexico & the European Union (EU). Even then, the EU held the second place in Mexico's regional foreign policy priorities, regarding trade, investments, & scientific & technological cooperation. Today, the EU is Mexico's best alternative to balance the excessive concentration of its economic relations with the US. Toward the end of the Zedillo administration, exchanges with the 15 member states represented only 6% of Mexico's total foreign trade, but thanks to the new agreement, this percentage could significantly increase during the Fox administration. However, at the end of the Zedillo administration, the EU was still Mexico's second investment partner, holding close to 20% of the total capital channeled toward the Mexican economy. Mexico hopes that the EU will consider it an equal partner, in spite of the asymmetry of the relationship. What cannot be denied is that the new agreement with the EU can considerably increase Mexico's self-determination, & counterbalance the excessive concentration of its relations with the US. Adapted from the source document.

The main foreign policy priority for the Carlos Salinas de Gortari (1988-1994) & Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de Leon (1994-2000) administrations was the negotiation & implementation of two free trade agreements: the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) & the European Union-Mexico Free Trade agreement (EU-MFTA), respectively. This article explains how & why each one of these administrations faced delegating functions -- from the Executive to its agencies -- & generated a bureaucratic apparatus capable of negotiating & implementing these agreements within a 6-year presidential term, ie, a team able to maintain each president's view & interests regarding said agreements. The Zedillo administration continued the policy established by Salinas: The power to negotiate trade agreements is delegated to the Ministry of Commerce & Industrial Development, & the Ministry of Foreign Relations retains its role in political negotiations with Europe. This is because of the manner in which agency problems had to be resolved, given the preferences of the main actors. To negotiate & conclude these agreements, the Salinas & Zedillo administrations had to develop a new strategy within their foreign economic policies to approach the countries involved & generate a cooperative environment where shared interests could be emphasized. 55 References. Adapted from the source document.

The Economic Partnership, Political Coordination & Cooperation Agreement between Mexico & the European Union (FTAEU) was certainly the main foreign policy project & achievement of the Zedillo administration. Presented as a viable instrument for reversing the excessive concentration of Mexico's economic & political relationships, the FTAEU generated enormous expectations. However, three years after having entered into force, Mexican exports to the EU & European investment flows to Mexico have both been well below what was expected. The existence of a series of structural ingredients that have both induced Mexican exports' poor performance & inhibited the EU from having a broader economic presence in Mexico is elucidated by the author. The author assesses the Agreement's actual potentialities & discusses which sectors are more likely to profit from this instrument. Additionally, the origins & difficult negotiations of the FTAEU are reviewed, with an emphasis on the aspects that have facilitated the completion of the Agreement & those that hindered negotiations for Mexico. 5 Tables, 1 Graph, 34 Appendixes. Adapted from the source document.

During the Fox administration, the relation between Mexico & the European Union went from excitement to frustration. Changes in foreign policy of the new government did not have the institutional foundation required in the domestic arena. Therefore, despite the emphasis put on human rights at the international level, they were still consistently violated at the local level. Trade & investments did not take off until 2004 & cooperation was acceptable, though not optimal. But despite those difficulties, the relationship was kept functional thanks to the institutional scaffolding supplied by the Mexico-EU Association Agreement. Contacts became more frequent & numerous, & the number of concerned actors grew, as well as the space both for cooperation & disagreements. Tables, Graphs. Adapted from the source document.

The essay reviews the evolution of the EU-Caribbean region bilateral relation under the African, Caribbean & Pacific Group of Nations mechanism, from the Convention of Lome to the recent Cotonou Agreement, with special reference to Cuba. The bilateral relationship has evolved from a paternalistic & preferential position to a more pragmatic & free trade oriented approach. The Caribbean region faces the challenge of accelerating its integration in a single block, in order to reap the benefits of the new accord, & to avoid the disparities of negotiating separately under a renewed context of globalization. Adapted from the source document.

The trade policy of Calderon's government continued that of previous administrations. Unilateral reduction of tariffs led to greater opening up of the country's economy; measures to boost trade were implemented and major trade disputes were resolved. By contrast, the agenda of trade negotiations made little progress and suffered setbacks. Despite the continuity in policy, business leaders and legislators both sought to overturn trade policy decisions that, however, led to a lack of trade integration. At a domestic level, unilateral liberalization made it easier to import commodities but did not lead to the formation of supply chains. At an external level, economic integration made little progress in creating better conditions for Mexican exports. Adapted from the source document.