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БАЛАЦИНОВА Алла – кандидат педагогічних наук, доцент, докторант кафедри педагогіки, Харківський національний педагогічний університет імені Г.С. Сковороди, вул. Алчевських, 29, м. Харків, 61002, УкраїнаE-mail address: alla.balatsynova@hnpu.edu.ua orcid:0000-0002-3247-0694 ResearcherID: https://publons.com/researcher/1763366/alla-balatsynova/To cite this article: Balatsynova, A. (2020). The problem of cultivating discipline among students of secondary education institutions in Ukrainian provinces of the Russian Empire at the turn of the 20th century (on materials of the meeting of the curator's council of Odesa educational district). Human Studies. Series of Pedagogy, 11/43, 9‒21. doi: https://doi.org/10.24919/2413-2039.11/43.215969Article history Received: June 15, 2020Received in revised form: September 10, 2020Accepted: November 23, 2020Available online: December 30, 2020Journal homepage:http://lssp.dspu.edu.ua/p-ISSN 2313-2094e-ISSN 2413-2039© 2020 The Author. Human studies. Series of Pedagogy published by Drohobych Ivan Franko State Pedagogical University & Open Journal Systems. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/). У статті на основі аналізу історико-педагогічних джерел і архівних документів розкрито позицію ради при попечителі Одеського навчального округу щодо дієвих способів формування дисциплінованості учнів закладів середньої освіти наприкінці ХІХ – на початку ХХ століття. З'ясовано, що заклади середньої освіти українських губерній Російської імперії у досліджуваний період функціонували в умовах суттєвих соціально-економічних і суспільно-політичних зрушень, пов'язаних з одного боку із розвитком капіталістичних відносин, з іншого – з економічною кризою 1901–1903 років й посиленням робітничого і селянського рухів, піднесенням політичної активності ліберально-демократичних верств населення, студентської та учнівської молоді. На цьому тлі невідповідність існуючої системи середньої освіти, яку складали переважно гімназії та реальні училища, економічним та суспільним потребам держави ставала дедалі відчутнішою, що змусило Міністерство народної освіти порушити питання про реформу середньої освіти.Установлено, що імператор Микола ІІ, занепокоєний зростанням політичної активності студентської та учнівської молоді, однією з головних засад для укладання проєкту реформи середньої школи визначив вимогу поєднання навчання юнацтва з вихованням у дусі віри, відданості престолу й вітчизні, поваги до сім'ї, а також привчання з раннього дитинства до порядку і дисципліни. На виконання цього розпорядження міністр народної освіти Г. Зенгер надіслав попечителям навчальних округів, зокрема Київського, Одеського і Харківського, циркуляр "Про дисципліну в середніх навчальних закладах" (1903), де визнав існуючий стан справ з дисципліною учнів і контролем за нею з боку шкільного начальства й педагогічного персоналу неприйнятним та вимагав неухильного виконання монаршої волі. Бажаних виховних результатів пропонувалося досягати як педагогічними, так і репресивними методами. До дієвих методів і прийомів попередження педагогічним персоналом порушень учнями порядку і дисципліни було віднесено такі: педагогічний такт і доброзичливе ставлення до учнів; зміст навчання і його виховальний характер (особливо на уроках мови, літератури, історії); організація позаурочних виховних заходів з використанням освічення, навіювання, переконання учнів; співпраця з батьками; моральна підтримка вихованців, які проживають на учнівських квартирах; звертання до релігійних переконань і почуттів учнів.Виявлено, що на засіданні 12 грудня 1903 року члени ради при попечителі Одеського навчального округу, детально вивчивши стан справ і ознайомившись з циркулярною пропозицією міністра народної освіти та думками педагогічних рад закладів середньої освіти округу щодо формування дисциплінованості учнів закладів середньої освіти, висловили власну позицію з цього питання. В ухвалі ради серед найбільш дієвих способів формування дисциплінованості учнів було виокремлено такі: зменшення наповнюваності класів; запровадження інституту вихователів; улаштування учнівських квартир, інтернатів, домових церков; використання виховного потенціалу літературних і релігійно-моральних бесід; налагодження взаємин з батьками учнів. У ній також наголошувалося на необхідності покращення матеріального та службового становища вчителів як запоруки якості навчально-виховного процесу. ; BALATSYNOVA Alla – PhD (Education), Associate Professor, Doctoral Student of Pedagogy Department, G.S. Skovoroda Kharkiv National Pedagogical University, 29 Alchevskykh Str., Kharkiv, 61002, UkraineE-mail address: alla.balatsynova@hnpu.edu.ua orcid:0000-0002-3247-0694 ResearcherID: https://publons.com/researcher/1763366/alla-balatsynova/To cite this article: Balatsynova, A. (2020). The problem of cultivating discipline among students of secondary education institutions in Ukrainian provinces of the Russian Empire at the turn of the 20th century (on materials of the meeting of the curator's council of Odesa educational district). Human Studies. Series of Pedagogy, 11/43, 9‒21. doi: https://doi.org/10.24919/2413-2039.11/43.215969Article history Received: June 15, 2020Received in revised form: September 10, 2020Accepted: November 23, 2020Available online: December 30, 2020Journal homepage:http://lssp.dspu.edu.ua/p-ISSN 2313-2094e-ISSN 2413-2039© 2020 The Author. Human studies. Series of Pedagogy published by Drohobych Ivan Franko State Pedagogical University & Open Journal Systems. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/). The article, based on the analysis of historical and pedagogical sources and archival documents, reveals the position of the curator's council of Odesa educational district on effective ways to cultivate discipline among secondary school students in the late nineteenth to early twentieth century. It has been found that the secondary schools of Ukrainian provinces of the Russian Empire in the period under study functioned in conditions of significant social, economic and political changes associated, on the one hand, with the development of capitalist relations, on the other hand, with the economic crisis of 1901–1903 and activation of workers and peasants movements and the rise of political activity among liberal and democratic strata of population and the student youth. Against this background, the inconsistency of the existing system of secondary education, which comprised mainly grammar and real schools, with the economic and social needs of the state became more and more noticeable, forcing the Ministry of Public Education to raise the issue of the secondary education reform.It has been found that the Emperor Nicholas II, concerned about the growing political activity of students and pupils, identified the requirement of combining youth education with religion, faith, loyalty to the crown and the fatherland, respect for the family, and learning from early childhood to maintain order and discipline. In pursuance of this order, the Minister of Public Education H. Zenger sent to the curators of educational districts, including Kyiv, Odesa and Kharkiv, a circular "About Discipline in Secondary Education Institutions" (1903), recognizing the current state of affairs with students' discipline and control over it by school authorities and pedagogical staff as unacceptable and demanded strict execution of the monarch's will. The desired educational results were proposed to be achieved by both pedagogical and repressive methods. Effective methods and techniques for prevention of order and discipline violations by the students to be used by pedagogical staff were considered the following: pedagogical tact and friendly attitude to students; the content of studying and its educational nature (especially at the language, literature and history lessons); organization of extracurricular educational activities with the use of teaching, suggestion, persuasion of students; cooperation with parents; moral support for pupils living in student dormitories; appeal to the religious beliefs and feelings of students.It has been found that at the meeting on December 12, 1903, the members of the curator's council of Odesa educational district, having studied in detail the state of affairs and having considered the circular proposal by the Minister of Public Education and the views of pedagogical councils of secondary education institutions of the district on discipline issue, expressed their opinion. In the decision of the council among the most effective ways to impose the discipline among students were identified as follows: reducing occupancy of classes; introduction the institute of educators; organization of student dormitories, boarding schools, home churches; use of educational potential of literature, religious and moral discussions; establishing good relationships with students' parents. It also highlighted the need to improve the financial and official status of teachers as a guarantee of the quality of the educational process.Acknowledgments. The author is grateful to the staff of the State Archives of Odesa Region.Funding. The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

IrpetDin is a dynamic microsimulation model, developed by IRPET (Regional Institute for Economic Planning of Tuscany) to study the future socio-demographic structure of the population and to evaluate the effects of social security programmes in Italy and in Tuscany over the medium to long-term. The model, based on the Eurostat Survey on Income and Living Conditions, makes projections from 2009 to 2050 and it is organised in modules: demography, education, labour and income and social security. IrpetDin produces realistic projections even for the Region of Tuscany and models education and labour with details. Probabilities and rates are estimated differently for Italy and Tuscany, trough regional administrative data. Education careers are completely simulated, from the choice of secondary school to drop-out, from university enrolment to graduation. Labour supply is endogenously determined while labour demand is driven from IRPET's macro model. The matching of labour supply and demand is modelled by sector of activity and education, in order to estimate the quantitative and the qualitative mismatch.

"This paper sets out to offer new insight into social change, especially social transformation. The authors have drawn up new types of social indicators to encapsulate the nature of social change, with the Intention of widening its meaning. The investigation draws an longitudinal panel studies: the German Socio-Economic Panel Study 1990-96 (GSOEP) and the Hungarian Household Panel 1992-96 (HHP). The single, albeit crucial social dimension examined is the income position of families, including the mobility of families within the income structure. The analysis takes a comparative and a longitudinal approach. Hungary and East Germany, as societies in transition, are compared with West Germany, as a case of 'usual' social change, while the income mobility of individuals is traced over time. Both these aspects are examined in relation to modernization theories. White classical measures such as the Gini Coefficient show a remarkable stability of income inequality, the indicators elaborated here reveal a high degree of individual movement behind the macro stability." (author's abstract)

"Welfare states are currently challenged by a number of developments: the globalization or internationalization of the economy, changing demographics, a transformation from industrial to post-industrial economies, as well as social and cultural changes. Although all of these variables might be very important for specific changes in social policy arrangements, in this paper the author will only address the effects of globalization on social policy arrangements. It will be argued that the specific perception of globalization and the constructed links to social policy arrangements within the political discourse will have to be taken into account as a key variable in analyzing the effects of globalization on social policy arrangements. Hence, the central questions addressed in this paper are: Was globalization causally related to changes of welfare systems within the political discourse? Did the constructed links between globalization and the welfare system become dominant or even hegemonic within the political discourse? Have welfare systems changed in a way consistent with the specific perception of globalization? Furthermore, the author argues that focusing solely on the state's activity within the social policy realm might lead to distorted and misleading results. As case studies he has chosen Germany, Japan and the United States. These three countries constitute the centers of the current globalization process while at the same time they have large domestic markets and therefore seem less vulnerable to external economic developments. Furthermore, Germany, Japan, and the U.S. have three very distinct welfare systems. In the following part of the paper, the author will briefly take up the debate within social sciences about the economic limits of state social policy and highlight the importance of analyzing the political discourse, before he will discuss the concept of welfare systems in the second part. Third, the author will show how various links between globalization and the welfare system are socially constructed in different welfare systems. Fourth, he will sketch the more recent reform tendencies at the policy level. Finally, he discusses the different dynamics of welfare systems in an era of globalization in a broader theoretical framework. It will be argued that the concept of path dependency, which has often been used to characterize recent social policy developments, underestimates the changes that have taken place in the various welfare systems." (excerpt)

Previous research has shown that an advantaged social class position protects individuals from unemployment, but less is known about how this relationship has developed after the turn of the millennium, how it varies by gender and to what extent education contributes to the association between these factors. We assess these questions using register-based data on the Finnish labour force over a 28-year period between 1988 and 2015. The overall risk of unemployment was 2.7–3.7-fold among manual classes compared to upper non-manual classes, and 1.4–1.7-fold among lower compared to upper non-manual classes. Controlling for education attenuated the differences between social classes by about two-thirds. Social class disparities were somewhat more distinct among men than among women, but gender differences narrowed over time. Overall, temporal changes were small, especially among men, except for a curvilinear pattern observed for the relative unemployment risk of the lower non-manual class. To conclude, despite a comparatively egalitarian context and drastic changes in economic conditions and labour market structures over time, social stratification in unemployment has been substantial and considerably persistent. This is in line with the conceptualization of social class underpinning differing employment relations and, therefore, inherently creating variation in labour market risks.

Research investigating how social conditions influence attitudes about immigrants has focused primarily on demographic and economic factors as potential threat inducing contexts that lead to anti-immigrant sentiment. However, the empirical evidence supporting this link is mixed, while social cohesion indicators such as the influence of social trust, have largely been left unexamined. This article uses the European Social Survey (2002–2016) to test how differences in social trust, both within and between countries influence attitudes about immigrants. Results from longitudinal analyses show that countries with higher levels of social trust have more favorable attitudes toward immigrants, and while changes in social trust over time are small, they result in comparably large changes in anti-immigrant attitudes, even when controlling for other social factors. These results are robust across different model specifications and data sources.

This article contributes to a better understanding of patterns of social support in relation to digital inequalities. Based on an extensive qualitative study, the diversity of support networks and supports seeking patterns are unveiled. A typology of six patterns of help-seeking is presented and described: the support-deprived, the community-supported, the supported through substitution, the network-supported, the vicarious learners, and the self-supported. The article also critically engages with the often unnuanced academic literature on social support. The research and the typology reveal that the quality of support, as well as the availability of potential or actual support, is not only influenced by socio-economic factors. Rather, the strength of the relationship and the level of intimacy between individuals is an important predictor of support-seeking. As such, this article shows that mechanisms of in/exclusion are highly social, as they entail a diversity of formal and informal support-seeking patterns, which in turn have an important influence on the adoption and use of digital media. The article argues that understanding such mechanisms is rooted in reconciling micro-level interactions to macro-level patterns of inequalities. To show the specificity of social support within digital inequalities research, and to demarcate the concept from definitions of other academic disciplines, the concept of social support for digital inclusion is introduced. It is defined as the aid (emotional, instrumental, and informational) that an individual receives from his/her network in his/her use of digital technologies.

This article focuses on the genesis of and correlation between the related concepts of enclave and exclave and the scope of their use in different sciences, fields of knowledge, and everyday speech. The author examines the circumstances of their emergence in the reference and professional literature in the Russian language. Special attention is paid to the typology of the world's enclave territories as objects of political geography; at the same time, their new categories and divisions (international enclave, overseas exclaves, internal enclaves of different levels) are extended and introduced. The author offers a new classification of contemporary and historical enclaves and exclaves. The article identifies the specific features of the Kaliningrad region in comparison to other enclave territories. The difference between the exclavity of the Kaliningrad region in the Soviet and post-Soviet periods is emphasised. The author shows the evolution of the use of concepts of enclave and exclave for describing the fe atures of the Kaliningrad region's positions from the perspective of the mother and surrounding states. The article introduces the concept of dividing states and stresses the need to take their interests into account to ensure the functioning of the Russian exclave. The author substantiates the thesis that the Russian region is an enclave of the European Union (but not NATO) and an exclave of the Russian Federation and a number of political and economic intergovernmental alliances with Russian participation. The article offers a generalised characteristic of the Kaliningrad region from the perspective of its enclavity / exclavity.

Before the COVID-19 pandemic was prevailing in the U.S., many people had expected that Trump could easily start his second term in the White House. This was because the U.S. economy was in good shape in the sense that the unemployment rate (3.5%) was at a historic low for the last five decades. The broad spread of COVID-19 starting from the first quarter of 2020, however, brought about a huge number of layoffs in the U.S. labor market. The unemployment rate in April skyrocketed to 14.7%, the highest in U.S. history since 1948. Accordingly, the disposable income of U.S. workers significantly decreased, so that year-on-year growth rates in private consumption expenditure plummeted by more than 19% in April. From now on, Biden will make changes in policies implemented under the Trump administration. Among other things, we need to focus on international trade policy under the new Biden administration. Biden's trade policy will affect our trade relationship with the U.S. as well as other countries' strategies for the U.S. standpoint. First and foremost, the Biden administration will basically support free trade as he advocated it as Vice President of the Obama administration. For example, he put much effort into reaching an agreement for the TPP during the second term of Obama's presidency. As a result, a mega agreement of free trade in the Asia-Pacific region was signed by 12 countries in 2016, although the Trump administration withdrew from the agreement in 2017.

The multilateral negotiations aimed at securing international cooperation on climate change and its mitigation have widely been criticised as a political deadlock since the establishment of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) in 1992. Since the formation of the UNFCCC, the United States of America (USA) has being recognised as both an essential, but also as a highly controversial actor within the negotiations due to its historical responsibility for anthropogenic climate change and relative structural power which has allowed it to wield immense influence in the negotiations. Because of energy's essential input into all economic sectors, any attempts to mitigate climate change will influence a sector that is essential for a country's economic strength. Within these processes, there is a link between energy policy and the UNFCCC negotiations. The overarching research aim of this interdisciplinary study is to understand the historical interaction between the USA's energy policy and its negotiating position in the UNFCCC. Within these dynamics, understanding how different administrations attempt to balance competing policy goals are pivotal in understanding these dynamics within domestic and international constraints. This study analyses this by conducting a historical case study of the USA's position in these negotiations and how its energy policy interacts with this. This study makes use of the neoclassical realist framework to understand the cooperation of the USA through the interaction between its energy policy and its position in the UNFCCC negotiations within two levels of analysis, that is the unit- and structural-levels, referring to factors found at the state-level and the international distribution of power respectively. The policy positions and energy policies of the administrations of George H.W. Bush (1989 - 1993), Bill Clinton (1993 - 2001), George W. Bush (2001 - 2009) and Barack Obama (2009 - 2017) are investigated through the interaction of the unit- and structural-levels. A historical overview indicates the challenges that succeeding administrations faced in grappling with contradictory policy objectives in accordance with the perceived costs of various policy goals at both the domestic and international levels and its implications for their position and ability to cooperate within the UNFCCC. The thesis has indicated that the history of the United States' position in the negotiations and the analysis of the influences on this position reveal that simple mono-causal explanations cannot satisfactorily attribute the differences amongst US administrations therein. As such, since 1992, successive US administrations have displayed varying degrees of cooperation towards the UNFCCC that have been based on the domestic and international distribution of power, and policy-makers' perception of the related costs and benefits of pursuing a set of policy goals. The research has established that since the 1970s, efforts to design US energy policy to factor in environmental externalities have resulted in haphazard progress as two ideational frameworks emerged, one that viewed economic growth and environmental regulation as compatible, and another that promoted the opposing view, which has resulted in stalemate and a cyclical approach complicating the interaction between US energy policy and its position in the UNFCCC. Within these dynamics, domestic constraints, à la the two-level game, place an important limitation on US participation and ratification of climate change agreements and its energy policy and highlights the important role played by domestic institutions with bipartisan politics and ideology forming a staggering fissure. The thesis has found that rather than an objective set of criteria, policy-makers are influenced by a complex range and interaction of factors in their approach to energy policy, international negotiations, as well as international opportunities and threats. Within these dynamics, the structure of the international system is essential in understanding state behaviour. The thesis confirms that the influence of the distribution of power in the international system therefore complements domestic factors in analysing the motivation and behaviour of policy-makers acting on behalf of the state, although it is imperative to understand how its influence is filtered at the unitlevel. Understanding the historical context permits deeper insights into the multi-dimensional influences on decision-makers. It is therefore necessary to delve into the historical origins of state behaviour and the evolution of their domestic and foreign policies.

The connections between art and politics are multiple and are deeply rooted in modern history. These connections have led to the development of a lively debate in many academic as well as non-academic fields. Within this context, my thesis focuses on the specificities, the continuities and the ruptures produced by artists in the context of contemporary political mobilization. My overall framework is influenced by a cultural approach to social movements, organization studies, economic and urban sociology. Based on ethnography, my thesis applies three main research techniques (participant observation, semi-structured interviews, digital methods) to a specific case study: Macao, the New Centre for Arts, Culture and Research, in Milan, Italy. Established in May 2012, Macao is officially a part of the Italian network of "Occupied Theatres" and, more informally, constitutes an important node in the international "art activism" scene. Taking into account the global context of the early 2010s – marked by the aftermath of economic crisis, the Arab revolutions and the Occupy/Indignados movement, and the re-emerging discourse on the role of electronic media in social movements – my thesis, although focused on Macao in a micro-sociological perspective, attempts to draw connections and identify differences between "artistic activism" and the prevalent trends in the recent wave of mobilization. In an attempt to contribute to the growing, but still limited, literature on art and social movements, my thesis considers Macao as an excellent prism through which to investigate the everyday political work carried out by artists in a context of mobilization. In doing so, my aim is to overcome the instrumental view that is often applied to art and aesthetics in the context of protest: seeing them as colorful tools to gain visibility and secure recruitment. In my work, I highlight how art might take unexpected forms in political activity, forms that are rarely embodied in the artifacts we are normally used to. In this sense, art is capable of running deep below the perceivable surface to connect and innervate the flows that circulate in a number of different media. The thesis is divided into two main parts: the first sets the frame in which I situate my work, introduces the debates around artists' political involvement (Ch. 1) and presents the methodological framework (Ch. 2). The second part is made up of three chapters that explore what I have come to identify as the main areas of Macao's activity: action, relation and production. The first of these three chapters (Ch. 3) deals with the logic of action, in which I stress how an artistic sensitivity was deeply embedded in the first spectacular events that granted Macao a wide and favorable national and international exposure: what I have defined as an eventful logic. The second (Ch. 4) explores the theme of organization, a key area of political intervention of Macao activists, in which a reflexive desire for instability is coupled with a surprising efficiency and the inversion of the traditional equation for which organizational forms become transient configurations determined by the eventfulness of their routine activity. The third and final chapter (Ch. 5) investigates Macao's models of artistic and cultural production. The case is explored with the aim of understanding to what extent Macao, and more in general the global wave of art activism, constitutes an alternative to the neo-libel articulation of the creative city in Milan. On the one hand, I ask whether Macao is a political actor able to influence the local cultural policy and to what extent it is included in the urban governance of Milan. I argue that Macao not only is an actor included in the urban governance, but also it provides the city a different cultural offer, open to bottom-up processes. The three core chapters, although partially autonomous, present a fil rouge, which coincides with the hypothesis that a broader change in terms of social and economic critique is taking place at a global level. As processes like the "eventification" and the "brandization" of culture represent some of the most efficient capitalist devices they now come to be appropriated in critical terms by probably the most skilled and apt subjects for a change: artists, and, more generally, cultural workers. Often trained at prestigious education institutions within the creative industry, their critique deploys the knowledge they have paid to obtain, and attempts not just to antagonize but to create a real and viable alternative. In the conclusion, the different uses of art in mobilization, scattered around the whole thesis, are systematized.

Ziel der Studie ist, die Möglichkeit für die Einführung von europäischen Agrarumweltmaßnahmen (AUM), insbesondere mit neuen marktanalogen Elementen wie Ergebnisorientierung, Ausschreibung, Partizipation und Regionalisierung, in Israel zu prüfen.Um die Auswirkungen der modernen Landwirtschaft auf Umwelt und Natur abzumildern, haben viele Länder ökonomische, ordnungsrechliche oder administrative Maßnahmen eingeführt. Die Agrarumweltmaßnahmen in der Europäischen EU bezahlen Landwirte für die Durchführung einer angepassten umwelt- und naturschutzorientierten Landbewirtschaftung. Gegenwärtig werden in verschiedenen Pilotprojekten innovative marktanaloge Elemente zur Steigerung der Wirksamkeit und Effektivität von AUM erprobt und stehen vor der Übernahme in die EU-Agrarpolitik. Zu den innovativen Elementen gehören die Ausschreibung und ergebnisorientierte Honorierung der Agrarumweltmaßnahmen, die Beteiligung der Akteure bei der Ausgestaltung der Maßnahmen sowie eine Regionalisierung und ein regionales Management der Maßnahmen.Diese Dissertation diskutiert diese Entwicklungen und prüft die Umsetzungsmöglichkeiten marktanaloger AUM in Israel. Dazu werden zunächst die Schwäche der gegenwärtigen Mechanismen zur Erhaltung der Agrarumwelt und die Notwendigkeit angepasste Agrarumweltmaßnahmen in Israel zu entwickeln dargestellt und eine Pilotstudie präsentiert, die erstmalig in Israel die Anwendung von Agrarumweltmaßnahmen mit marktanalogen Elementen erprobt. Grundlage für die wissenschaftliche Auswertung und praktische Ausgestaltung der Pilotstudie sind Interviews mit den beteiligten Akteuren (Farmer, Verwaltungen und Politiker) und die teilnehmende Beobachtung der Wissenschaftlerin im Entwicklungs- und Umsetzungsprozess (Beirat und Steuerungsgruppe, öffentliche Anhörungen, etc.). Dieses Dissertation konzentriert sich auf die Erkundung der Möglichkeiten der Nutzung von AUM mit marktanalogen Elementen insbesondere unter Berücksichtigung der regionalen Umweltbedingungen, des institutionellen Rahmens, der kulturellen Wertvorstellungen und aktueller Entwicklungstrends in Israel.Es kann gezeigt werden, dass die politischen und administrativen Rahmenbedingungen die Anwendung marktanaloger AUM fördern. Insbesondere das Instrument der Ausschreibung der AUM unterstützt die Anforderungen an Transparenz und Sparsamkeit bei der Vergabe öffentlicher Finanzmittel und konnte anschließend auch im Pilotprojekt umgesetzt werden. Im weiteren werden daher die Herausforderungen der Implementierung der Ausschreibung von AUM dargestellt und die von den Akteuren wahrgenommenen Vor- und Nachteile präsentiert und untersucht.Es zeigte sich, dass die Unterstützung für die Ausschreibung der AUM nicht auf der von der Wissenschaft immer wieder betonten effizienzsteigernden Wirkung, sondern auf der über dieses Instrument erreichten administrativen Transparenz und Fairness in der öffentlichen Mittelverwendung und der Teilhabemöglichkeit der Landwirte bei der Bestimmung der Höhe der Zahlungen beruht. Diese in Interviews ermittelten Präferenzen können auf die historisch begründete Rolle der Landwirtschaft in der israelischen Gesellschaft zurückgeführt werden. In der Geschichte wurde Landwirtschaft stärker als Dienstleistungen an der israelischen Gesellschaft und weniger als Wirtschaftsunternehmung angesehen. Daher sehen sich Landwirte immer noch stärker als öffentliche Dienstleister anstatt marktorientierter Produzenten und betonen die Aspekte der fairen Mittelvergabe gegenüber dem auch in der Ausschreibung verwirklichten Konkurrenzprinzip. ; The aim of the study is to explore the conditions for introducing market-oriented agri-environmental measures into Israel, and gain some insights to the possibility of their implementation in other countries as well. In order to guide the impact of agriculture on the environment, many countries have established diverse economic, regulatory and advisory measures. In the EU the prominent measure is agri-environmental schemes , in which farmers are paid to practice environmental cultivation. Innovative market-oriented instruments, which aim to increase the schemes effectiveness and efficiency, are recently investigated within the framework of pilot projects and have partly been translated into policy. These instruments include result-orientation, conservation auctions, public participation in setting the scheme s economic parameters, and regional management. The dissertation discusses these developments and the possibility of their implementation in Israel. The weaknesses of the current mechanisms to sustain the agri-environment in Israel, and the necessity to develop payment schemes, are described. A pilot project that aimed at implementing market-oriented agri-environmental instruments is presented. The study is based on interviews with the stakeholders of the pilot project (farmers and policy makers) and participant observation in the process of the project (steering committee meetings, public hearing for farmers etc.). The analysis focuses on the feasibility of implementing market-oriented agri-environmental instruments in Israel, given the local ecosystem, institutional framework, cultural values and major trends in the attitudes of policy makers and the public at large. It was found that the institutional framework forms an important condition for implementing market-oriented agri-environmental instruments. As the Israeli institutional framework is supportive of conservation auctions, but less so of other market-oriented instruments, the conservation auction was the only instrument that could be implemented in the pilot project. The discussion than focuses on the challenges associated with the implementation of conservation auctions. The perceived advantages and disadvantages of conservation auctions are examined, together with the argumentations in favor of using them. It was found that the farmers and the policy makers involved in the project did not comprehend the economic merits of conservation auctions; they were more supportive of the conservation auctions when presented as a mechanism for achieving administrative fairness in the allocation of public funds to private entities, or as an instrument of public participation that allows the farmers to take part in setting the level of environmental payment. This preference can be related to the history of prioritizing agriculture in the Israeli society. As in the past agriculture was perceived as providing a service to the general public, farmers continue to regard themselves as deserving to participate in the setting of policies rather than as entities forced to compete over public budgets in an auction.

Water services systems are essential to public health, economic development and the state of the environment. In order to secure the quality of services as well as ensure reasonable customer charges and sufficient investment, water services have traditionally been taken care of by the public sector in most countries of the world. However, a major problem with the public sector provision of water services, or any other services for that matter, has always been that their demand is invariably greater than the funds available for their production. Thus, countless reforms have been implemented to improve the public sector in terms of service quality, the efficiency and effectiveness of operations, and accountability to citizens. The latest global wave of public management reforms, coined New Public Management (NPM), has advocated reducing the size of the public sector and the application of private sector management principles and practices. NPM-informed reforms have also been implemented on the local government level in Finland with the broad aim of increasing flexibility and municipal autonomy in service production while still safeguarding the foundations of the welfare society. This approach has brought along with it, amongst other things, the separation of the provision and production of public services; the adoption of accrual or business accounting; and the obligation to practice longer-term financial planning and budgeting. The reform has also involved the separation of water services within municipal accounting, as well as the implementation of full cost recovery through customer charges, including a reasonable rate of return on invested capital. The principal objective of this research was to examine the consequences of NPM–influenced financial management and accounting reforms in the context of municipal water services. The aim was to ascertain whether or not the reforms have succeeded in achieving their original objectives and whether they have resulted in any outcomes that would require increasing regulation in the public sector. The research focused mainly on Finland, where enough time had passed since the initiation of the first local government reforms to allow an analysis of the consequences. The Finnish perspective was complemented with an exploration of parallel and similar developments in Tallinn, Estonia because, despite differences in politico-administrative history, the two countries shared certain relevant characteristics such as politicians' inexperience in the commercialization of water services and the need to secure water infrastructure investment funds. With regard to methodology the research adheres mostly to the disciplines of public sector financial accounting and management. Since much attention is paid to the somewhat radical changes caused by the NPM movement in the water sector, the approach assumed in the research may therefore be called critical. The method of reasoning utilized in the research is induction, which is not based on hypotheses as drivers of the research but which proceeds from specific observations to more general conclusions. The predominant method of arranging the research material is the case study, from which it is possible to make contextual rather than statistical generalizations. The water services reforms explored in this research sought, through the application of various NPM principles and practices, to increase the transparency of municipal finances, to improve financial planning and management, and to secure sufficient investment into the rehabilitation and replacement of water services infrastructure. The positive consequence of the reforms reported in this dissertation is the accrual-accounting derived practice of infrastructure asset management. The more negative consequences are associated with the inherent difficulty of infrastructure asset accounting and the nationally devised accrual accounting terminology, which offer opportunities for investment deferral, hidden taxation, cross-subsidizing, short-sighted political decision-making, and the violation of intergenerational equity. It therefore seems that some degree of economic regulation or other type of governance would be appropriate in the case of publicly owned water utilities in which profit-making is allowed. Guidance related to the long-term management of infrastructure assets is considered especially pertinent. The options outlined in this research for the Finnish context are either a combination of formal and informal methods or an expansion of this which involves the establishment of a water sector economic regulator. An ideal arrangement would in either case involve a long-term commitment of municipal decision-makers to water services management. In practice this could mean that the boards of municipal water services enterprises would also include non-politician expert members, and that some of the board members would occupy their positions for a longer time than the municipal election period.

Cultural and technological determinants of development exert substantial impact on life and work in present conditions. One should bear in mind the network integrated society that has resulted from information technologies. Orientation towards information technologies innovates life and work. Today, there prevails the opinion that education, knowledge and human resources (human capital) have as their priorities adoption of information technologies. Lifetime education is more important than economy. It makes easier to achieve development and contributes to its harmonisation with elements of some other processes. In addition, the labour market is the one that determines the necessary qualifications. One should recognise that investment in human resources is of the greatest significance for successful economic development, employment, social cohesion and stability. It is also a direct way that offers numerous and various opportunities in the social and cultural life, but it also reflects the need to develop co-operation with the family, industry and the people who play an active role in the field of culture. Since it functions in the world of global interdependence culture must be scientifically and technologically cultivated so as to give its contribution to the integration processes. There only remains the question what development, this even including technological development and information technologies in particular, request from a culture to offer. This, certainly, also includes mechanisms that will determine the quality of life and the future of culture. Culture was created by man in history, adopting and processing all its new products. For this reason, culture is regarded to bring ?additional value? to work and life of every individual, strengthening cultural identity, too. Cultural identity is a self-consciousness of a member of a group being historically created and developed in accordance with the criteria established in their relationship with other social groups. New technologies make knowledge globalised changing the mode of work. It is of importance to determine what kind of technological development suits the already shaped cultural identity of a nation. The international market encourages the processes within which countries learn and realise that cultural behaviour is also included in the facilities they create. It is only within the relationship to the others that one can become conscious of himself. The challenges of the information technology require to take care of the two pillars of education for 21st century - to study to know and to study to be able to work. This means that one should master the information and telecommunication technology, and work and live with it. In one society, this will create a spiral of economic growth and technological progress and it will be directed upward. The greatest test for human society in the 21st century is how to use the power of technology and how to find efficient solutions to relive three fourth of the poor population of forced migration (armed conflicts) to technologically far more developed areas. Actually, the most important thing is to make the nation respond to changes and shape its present life and work. Transnational companies that are the main creators and controllers of information technologies have much greater power than responsibility. They transfer not only capital but technologies, too, and enter the age with no national products or technologies or national industries. They will depend on the following four relevant markets: finance and capital, telecommunications and informatics, labour force and natural resources and ecology. In this way, globalisation will affect business expectations of individuals and, in general, the employment structure. Nevertheless, the national state will primarily remain the subject of identity for most people. The best way to create better living conditions is to establish modern institutions and successful economy in one?s own society. Knowledge becomes the basic resource of development. And as transition is an equitation with no definite result one should always improve the existing situation in order to find a better way from the one that is just being traced. The reason for this is the fact that market economy is always in transition. The best way to help (poor people) is to encourage economic growth. If any individual in a society has a chance to make success and the access to health care and education, and also a chance to find a job and make his own life, to recognise the relevance of every problem, than there could chosen the most optimal solution, since economy is the science of choices.