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The lands of the country are at the disposal of the government and the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Studies show that the people in the country, regardless of laws and regulations, use fraudulent methods to seize state-owned land with illegal possession and land use change cause harm and damage to their collective rights of individuals. There are conditions requires that the relevant agencies in order to prevent crimes against national resources and people's rights as well as justice and legal mechanisms to take advantage of this barrier to prevent crimes against them. The crimes against the country's natural resources and national judicial authorities must by resolution of criminal and non-criminal record in economic conditions that cause conflict or corruption in their national resources for their prevention. However, due to the lack of laws codified in the long line of process maturity and the failure to enforce strong sanctions on these crimes is always the problem of the economy is growing. This thesis examines the prevention of criminal and non criminal policy legislation in this regard, that the process of the process of the investigation of the factors Rgzar impact of the rate of rejection.

This contribution addresses, from a comparative perspective, the topic of inter-ministerial coordination of European policies, adopting a polythetic classification based on a plurality of parameters, including the location of the mechanisms for coordination, as well as the establishment of a specific Ministry for European affairs. The taxonomy is explained through the use of a straight line, on which different points correspond to each "pure" model, while on the segments the author places the real systems adopted throughout the Member States. The article also tests the theories elaborated by political scientists on the evolution of coordination systems, checking their (partial) transposition into legal sources. Recalling the essential results of the stress test that occurred with the economic crisis on the performance of national administrations, with particular reference to their resilience, the text lays the foundations for an assessment of the coordination of European policies in the management of the COVID-19 pandemic. ; Il contributo affronta, in prospettiva comparata, il tema del coordinamento interministeriale delle politiche europee, adottando una classificazione politetica basata su una pluralità di parametri, tra cui la collocazione delle sedi di coordinamento e l'istituzione di un Ministero specifico per gli affari europei. La tassonomia viene spiegata attraverso l'utilizzo di una retta, su cui vengono individuati punti corrispondenti a ciascun modello "puro", mentre sui segmenti l'autrice colloca i sistemi reali adottati nei diversi Stati membri. L'articolo testa, inoltre, la tenuta delle teorie politologiche sull'evoluzione dei sistemi di coordinamento, verificando la loro (parziale) trasposizione giuridica. Riprendendo i risultati essenziali dello stress test verificatosi con la crisi economica per la performance delle amministrazioni nazionali, con particolare riferimento alla resilienza delle stesse, il testo pone le basi per una valutazione del coordinamento delle politiche europee nella gestione della crisi della pandemia da COVID-19.

This thesis is a collection of three essays about the economics of coordination. Coordination issues arise when, in presence of multiple equilibria, heterogeneously informed agents need to coordinate with each other towards a Pareto-superior outcome. Electoral outcomes, collective decision-making, currency attacks or polit- ical regime changes examples of coordination problems. The first chapter provides a game theoretic analysis of group decision making, investigating how an agent's communication behavior is affected by different voting systems. I show that in an ideal state where communication is noisy but agents can communicate without opportunity costs, agents will always reach unanimous consensus regardless of which voting system governs the deliberative process. I further show that under the more realistic case in which communication involves opportunity costs, voting systems shape an agent's communication behavior. Specifically, when the opportunity costs of communication are low, a voting system based on unanimity approximates the results of the ideal state. Conversely, when communication involves high opportunity costs, a voting system based on majority is more desirable. The second essay is an experimental test of the predictions developed in the first chapter. The experiment is designed to determine how different voting institutions in uence the process of communication of collective decision bodies when communication can be costly. In contrast with the existing literature, I have found that different voting institutions induce different decision outcomes. In particular, a voting system based on unanimity fosters subjects' communication and information sharing. Once subjects choose to communicate, I also have observed that communication unambiguously improves the quality of the decision outcome across each voting rule. The third and final essay provides a political regime-change interpretation of the organized crime phe- nomenon. Under the assumption that the a criminal organization in a society benefits of the support of individuals, I investigate the strategic interplay between a criminal organization and a large number of citizens who might be more inclined to support the criminal organization rather than reporting its illegal activities to the legal authority. Borrowing from the economic literature on coordination and regime change, I model a criminal organization as an autocratic regime and claim that illegal activities are used in order to raise citizens support.

Water is a vital resource, but also a critical limiting factor for economic and social development in many parts of the world. The recent rapid growth in human population and water use for social and economic development is increasing the pressure on water resources and the environment, as well as leading to growing conflicts among competing water use sectors (agriculture, urban, tourism, industry) and regions (Gleick et al., 2009; World Bank, 2006). In Spain, as in many other arid and semi-arid regions affected by drought and wide climate variability, irrigated agriculture is responsible for most consumptive water use and plays an important role in sustaining rural livelihoods (Varela-Ortega, 2007). Historically, the evolution of irrigation has been based on publicly-funded irrigation development plans that promoted economic growth and improved the socio-economic conditions of rural farmers in agrarian Spain, but increased environmental damage and led to excessive and inefficient exploitation of water resources (Garrido and Llamas, 2010; Varela-Ortega et al., 2010). Currently, water policies in Spain focus on rehabilitating and improving the efficiency of irrigation systems, and are moving from technocratic towards integrated water management strategies driven by the European Union (EU) Water Framework Directive (WFD).

This essay examines the political destiny and function in government of the civic institutions and élites of formerly independent urban polities once they had settled into the new political context of the Italian regional states in the fifteenth century. Research conducted from the 1970s onwards has established the greater weakness of Padua's municipal institutions and élite in relation to Venice, as compared to the experience of many other cities of the Terraferma dominion. The essay focuses on the profile of issues connected with land in the Paduan civic council's activity in the later fifteenth century, also seeking to gauge the extent of its autonomy in policy-making and its perception of its role, especially in relation to the action of Venetian authority. The archival material used concerns both the activity of the Paduan council and the more general conduct of government in Venice and Padua.

The objective of the research was to analyze the perspectives of Ukraine's foreign economic policy with respect to Latin America. An overview of the economic and political situation in Latin America is characterized by intensification of inflation in the region, reduction of exports and foreign investment, erosion of the level of business and consumer confidence. She used the following research methods: methods of analysis and synthesis, systematic approach, methods of induction and deduction, generalization, and systematization, economic, etc. Defined strategic orientations have been identified to improve foreign economic cooperation between Ukraine and Latin America to seek new foreign markets and increase foreign trade, such as: opening representative offices of Ukrainian companies in Latin America; active participation of Ukrainian companies in trade fair and exhibition events taking place in the countries of the region; establishment of bilateral industrial cooperation in the territory of MERCOSUR member countries. It concludes on the need to develop a long-term strategy to activate trade and economic cooperation between Ukraine and the countries of the Latin American region with the identification and justification of sectoral priorities.