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Multi-level governance is now an established field of public policy research. In this context there is a need to introduce two new concepts: substantiation of public policy goals and multi- level coordination of public policy goals. In the study based on this assumption a qualitative approach is used. Usefulness of these two concepts was proved by participatory action policy research on one specific goal substantiated and coordinated within Europe 2020 Strategy in the policy area of poverty. In the course of the research (2012-2015) the author was a representative of the network of social NGOs in the governmental body responsible for implementation of the Europe 2020 Strategy in Poland. The main action research tool was an attempt to modify the goal of poverty reduction decided by the government in 2011. In that process rich data was generated, analyzed, interpreted and used for subsequent actions. The effect of the research is a deep insight and understanding of multi-level governance process in a specific policy area and a proposal for two new concepts. Emerging new research areas were proposed and discussed.

Studies into the management of a state's membership o f the European Union and the management of the European project are based on a belief in the disciplinary nature of the issue of coordination of European policy. The findings o f management studies, administration studies, political studies, law and European studies serve this purpose. Therefore, studies into the presence of the state in the European Union are to a large extent based on the issues related to the national coordination of European policy understood not only as a set of cause and-effect relations developed in the course o f political negotiation, but also as an emerging subsystem of political decision-making. The system of European policy coordination in Poland performs its tasks efficiently, nevertheless the cooperation between the MPs, MEPs, Polish government and Polish administration officials needs to be strengthened in the future. As concerns the cooperation between the Sejm and Senate (the lower and upper chambers o f the Polish parliament) it should be emphasized that the government and both chambers are supposed to complement and support one another in matters of European policy. The policy conducted by the state should be founded on cooperation, consensus and trust. ; Dotychczasowe badania nad zarządzaniem członkostwem państwa w Unii Europejskiej, zarządzaniem projektem europejskim, bazują na przekonaniu o interdyscyplinarności zagadnienia koordynacji polityki europejskiej. Swoim dorobkiem służą na tym gruncie nauka o zarządzaniu, nauka o administracji, politologia, nauka prawa i europeistyka. Stąd studia nad zarządzaniem obecnością państwa w Unii Europejskiej w dużej mierze opierają się na zagadnieniach związanych z krajową koordynacją polityki europejskiej rozumianą nie tylko jako zespół działań przyczynowo-skutkowych powstałych w toku prowadzonych negocjacji politycznych, lecz również jako wyodrębniający się podsystem decydowania politycznego. Polski system koordynacji polityki europejskiej sprawnie wykonuje swoje zadania, jednak w przyszłości należy wzmocnić współpracę między posłami polskiego Parlamentu, posłami Parlamentu Europejskiego, rządem RP oraz urzędnikami polskiej administracji. Jeśli chodzi o współpracę między rządem a Sejmem i Senatem można podkreślić, że rząd i obie izby parlamentu powinny wzajemnie się uzupełniać i wspierać w polityce europejskiej. Prowadzona w efekcie polityka powinna być oparta na kooperacji, konsensusie i zaufaniu.

The economic policy of Polish governments changed but can be broadly divided into two groups. The first encompassed periods when Polish policy belonged to awidelydefined world mainstream. The second –those when Polish governments attempted alternatives tothe mainstream, looking for various ways of "taking ashortcut". In general, the first group helped economic development, the second hindered it, isolating the country from the world economy. The first group included the entire interwar period, when autarchic tendencies were mainstream, as well as the years 1944–1947 and 1989–2015. ; Polityka gospodarcza rządu polskiego przechodziła różne fazy, które jednak generalnie można podzielić nadwie grupy. Do pierwszej należały te, kiedy polityka polska mieściła się wgłównym nurcie przemian światowych. Do drugiej te, kiedy władze polskie stawiały naalternatywne wobec mainstreamu rozwiązania, ulegając pokusie "pójścia naskróty". Generalnie można powiedzieć, że pierwsze przyczyniały się do rozwoju kraju, adrugie sprowadzały jego rozwój namanowce, izolując od gospodarki światowej. Do pierwszej grupy można zaliczyć cały okres międzywojenny, łącznie zlatami 30., kiedy totendencje autarkiczne były właśnie mainstreamowe, lata 1944–1947 ilata 1989–2015.

Me-economy and we-economy are models (trends, streams) in the global economy development. In the me-economy model the core of interest is a consumer (user, client, prosumer, etc.) and the customisation in meeting customers' needs. Contrary to me-economy, we-economy stands for reciprocity economy, co-production of products and/or services by the users and clients, supported by neighbourly relations and co-operation, the principles of wikinomics and prosumption. The above-mentioned trend combines the features of different systems and economic streams, i.e. the market economy with the traditional economy and the centrally controlled economic system, as well as the laissez-faire approach with libertarianism and liberalism. Due to the limited role of the state in functioning of this trend and the lack of suitable legal regulations and economic tools which would determine the development of we-economy, it is often perceived as a threat to social and economic security, and not as a direction of development stimulating the activities of various entities.

Multi-level governance is now an established field of public policy research. In this context there is a need to introduce two new concepts: substantiation of public policy goals and multi- level coordination of public policy goals. In the study based on this assumption a qualitative approach is used. Usefulness of these two concepts was proved by participatory action policy research on one specific goal substantiated and coordinated within Europe 2020 Strategy in the policy area of poverty. In the course of the research (2012-2015) the author was a representative of the network of social NGOs in the governmental body responsible for implementation of the Europe 2020 Strategy in Poland. The main action research tool was an attempt to modify the goal of poverty reduction decided by the government in 2011. In that process rich data was generated, analyzed, interpreted and used for subsequent actions. The effect of the research is a deep insight and understanding of multi-level governance process in a specific policy area and a proposal for two new concepts. Emerging new research areas were proposed and discussed. ; Obszar teorii i badań, którego dotyczy artykuł, to wielopoziomowe rządzenie (multi-evel governance). Celem artykułu jest wprowadzenie do nauki o polityce publicznej dwóch nowych pojęć: konkretyzacja celu oraz wielopoziomowa koordynacja celu. W badaniach ugruntowujących tę propozycję zastosowano podejście jakościowe. Miały one charakter uczestniczący poprzez działanie (participative action research) w ramach praktyki polityki (policy work, policy practice). Autor jako przedstawiciel jednej z sieci organizacji pozarządowych brał aktywny udział w procesie realizacji Strategii Europa 2020 w Polsce w latach 2012-2015. Zasadniczym instrumentem badania uczestniczącego były działania na rzecz modyfikacji celu dotyczącego ubóstwa, który został ustalony przez polski rząd w roku 2011. Pozostałe dane pochodzą z analizy dokumentów i obserwacji uczestniczącej. W ich wyniku możliwe było uzyskanie głębszego zrozumienia procesu wielopoziomowego rządzenia w jednym z obszarów i propozycja nowych kategorii analitycznych. W rezultacie badań wyróżniono kilka faz krajowej konkretyzacji celu oraz dwa okresy wielopoziomowej koordynacji. Zaproponowano nowe kierunki rozwoju badań.

W artykule skupiono się na wskazaniu pożądanych kierunków polityki gospodarczej w Polsce na tle jej potencjału i aktualnych uwarunkowań. Założono, że stan polskiej gospodarki jest zdeterminowany współoddziaływaniem procesów transformacji, globalizacji i integracji europejskiej. Ostatnie chronologicznie determinanty tego stanu to kryzys wywołany pandemią COVID-19 oraz agresja wojenna Rosji na Ukrainę. Wydarzenia te stworzyły zagrożenie stagflacją. Rosnące znaczenie Chin i wojna handlowa tego państwa z USA wraz z rosyjską agresją kruszą dotychczasowy międzynarodowy ład ekonomiczny. Procesy te zmieniają sytuację i perspektywy polskiej gospodarki, której sternicy powinni na nowo zdefiniować jej miejsce w nowym międzynarodowym ładzie gospodarczym, stopniowo wyłaniającym się pod wpływem tych wszystkich okoliczności. Niewiadomą jest finalny obraz następnej rzeczywistości gospodarczej. Jednak warto już teraz dążyć do włączenia polskich przedsiębiorstw w europejskie i światowe łańcuchy dostaw dzięki modernizacji technologicznej ich działalności. W obszarze polityki fiskalnej zamiast konkurować coraz niższymi stawkami i obciążeniami podatkowymi warto rozbudowywać infrastrukturę i instytucje publiczne. W odniesieniu do polityki monetarnej z powodu nieuchronnego wzrostu ryzyka ekonomicznego inwestycji zagranicznych w Polsce warto przyjąć euro i dzięki temu stworzyć bezpieczną perspektywę rozwoju gospodarczego. ; The article focuses on indicating the desired directions of economic policy in Poland against the background of its potential and current conditions. It is assumed that the current condition of the Polish economy was determined by the interaction of the processes of transformation, privatization, globalization and European integration. The last chronological determinants of this state are the crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic and Russia's military aggression against Ukraine. These impacts created the threat of stagflation. The growing importance of China and the trade war between that country and the US, ...

The main purpose of the article is to assess the efficiency of the policy of economic stabilization, carried out by the EEC member states, and to distinguish the significance of particular instruments of fiscal and monetary policy in these countries. The article consists of two parts. The first part contains the presentation of some categories of the stabilization policy as well as two models of transmitting the impulses of the stabilization policy. The first is based on Keynesian and neoclassical assumptions while the other originates from monetaristic conceptions. The above models indicated main instruments of the stabilization policy, analysed in the second part of the article. The analysis has been carried out by means of the multistage regression method and the degree of "kindness" of correlation of equations has been measured by the corrected determination coefficient R2. The results of the analysis point out to: — the diversified character of national functions of reaction, — the stabilizing influence of the European Monetary System, — the eclectic character of methods applied in the stabilization policy by the governments of the EEC member states. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The main obstacles in the implementation of public policies emerge at the earlier stages of the agenda-setting and the formulation of goals due to institutional constraints. They comprise the ambiguities about the governing center and thus about the real actors of the public policy process. The government fully controls the legislation, although this results from a functional unity of the executive and the legislative powers rather than from formal regulations. The parliament gets deprived of its influence on public policy. The government, however, is not able to fulfill its functions, either. The evidence shows that the main actor in programming public policy is the administration, and the decision-taking process is dispersed among separate ministries without any real coordination and oversight. The law is an instrument of communicating decisions taken at the pre-legislative stage. The use of objective data and public consultations is occasional, although they could compensate for the declining role of the parliament. This makes the selection of proper policy instruments yet more difficult.

The main goal of the article is to present to Polish readers the most important information about one of the newer theories of the public policy process - Narrative Policy Framework (NPF). The NPF assumes that public policy narratives play a fundamental role in the public policy process. These are strategically constructed stories about the causes and solutions to public policy problems. Actors use narratives to achieve their goals, for example, implementing policies closest to their preferences. On the example of the government's "Good start" ("Dobry start" in Polish) program, the article presents practical applications of the NPF at the micro, meso, and macro levels.

The creation of socio-economic policy is not, however, the main domain of the second chamber, especially in those systems, where the model of asymmetric bicameralism is implemented. The limitation of the process of creating economic policy is observable for example in the Czech Republic, where the Senate does not participate in passing of the budget act. Socio-economic policy of the state is not the main scope of interest of the Polish Senate either. The majority of legislative initiatives results in the creation of a new law and it does not raise the subject of socio-economic state policy directly. There are to be found, however, some initiatives that propose changes in the tax system, labour law, social care law or in the area of pensions and annuities. Owing to the legislative initiatives of the Senate accounting chambers and employers' associations were created. While analyzing the role of the Senate in socio-economic state policy the actions of Senate committees, especially of the Budget and Public Finance Committee, the National Economy Committee, the Family and Social Policy Committee, the Agriculture and Rural Development Committee are worth emphasizing. Those committees put forward amendments to the budget act, review the laws passed by the Sejm or international agreements concerning socio-economic policy. Some of the effects of the Polish Senate's committee work is, among many, proposing by the Budget and Public Finance Committee, on behalf of the Senate, a number of amendments to consequent budget acts. It should be stressed, however, that the Senate undermines its role in the field of socio-economic policy. It takes, so to say, additional measures to other activities. A lack of long-term and comprehensive programmes can be seen in those actions. The Senate uses the instruments of government, nevertheless, it does so in moderation.

The author describes the policy change which took place within last years in the economic policy in the most developed countries as well as in Poland. That relates to the relevance of industrial sector in the world economy. During the prevalence of the neoliberal way of thinking in the economic policy it has been regarded as the one in decline. Its neoliberal advocates were convinced that this sector is going to be replaced by the service sector as a growth engine in the world economy. But with 15 years, quit unexpectedly, a belief in the relevance of it collapsed. That resulted from the technological progress in the industrial sector as well as the global economic crises which began in 2008. At present, the economic discourse revolves around the necessity of the modern reindustrialization. This is a challenge for the Polish economic policy as well. In Poland we saw too much deindustrialization within last two decades, which weakened our prospects for development.