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In the early stages of European integration, an education policy had not been identified as a political area for joint actions of the Member States. The first initiatives with regard to education by the European Communities of sizable political impact were undertaken in 1976. In December 1991, the Maastricht Treaty of the European Union finally laid the grounds for a legitimate role to be played by the EC Commission in the field of education. European Cummnity does not regulate the content of teaching and the organization of education systems of the Member States. The education policy of the European Union at present is mainly implemented through a series of programmes concerned with education and training. It is interesting to note that, while Member States of the Community are fiercely defending their own right to establish a content and methods of national education, the Community is recommending quite a different approach to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. As a result, people in Central and Eastern Europe are starting to feel that the transfer of knowledge, experience, and paradigms, which takes place, on the whole, rather uncritically, threatens their cultural identity. Nevertheless, we should not underestimate the substantial positive impact of the programmes providing assistance to newly developing democracies, which were established by the Community after the fall of the Communist regimes in 1989 and 1990.

In the early stages of European integration, an education policy had not been identified as a political area for joint actions of the Member States. The first initiatives with regard to education by the European Communities of sizable political impact were undertaken in 1976. In December 1991, the Maastricht Treaty of the European Union finally laid the grounds for a legitimate role to be played by the EC Commission in the field of education. European Cummnity does not regulate the content of teaching and the organization of education systems of the Member States. The education policy of the European Union at present is mainly implemented through a series of programmes concerned with education and training. It is interesting to note that, while Member States of the Community are fiercely defending their own right to establish a content and methods of national education, the Community is recommending quite a different approach to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. As a result, people in Central and Eastern Europe are starting to feel that the transfer of knowledge, experience, and paradigms, which takes place, on the whole, rather uncritically, threatens their cultural identity. Nevertheless, we should not underestimate the substantial positive impact of the programmes providing assistance to newly developing democracies, which were established by the Community after the fall of the Communist regimes in 1989 and 1990.

In the early stages of European integration, an education policy had not been identified as a political area for joint actions of the Member States. The first initiatives with regard to education by the European Communities of sizable political impact were undertaken in 1976. In December 1991, the Maastricht Treaty of the European Union finally laid the grounds for a legitimate role to be played by the EC Commission in the field of education. European Cummnity does not regulate the content of teaching and the organization of education systems of the Member States. The education policy of the European Union at present is mainly implemented through a series of programmes concerned with education and training. It is interesting to note that, while Member States of the Community are fiercely defending their own right to establish a content and methods of national education, the Community is recommending quite a different approach to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. As a result, people in Central and Eastern Europe are starting to feel that the transfer of knowledge, experience, and paradigms, which takes place, on the whole, rather uncritically, threatens their cultural identity. Nevertheless, we should not underestimate the substantial positive impact of the programmes providing assistance to newly developing democracies, which were established by the Community after the fall of the Communist regimes in 1989 and 1990.

In the early stages of European integration, an education policy had not been identified as a political area for joint actions of the Member States. The first initiatives with regard to education by the European Communities of sizable political impact were undertaken in 1976. In December 1991, the Maastricht Treaty of the European Union finally laid the grounds for a legitimate role to be played by the EC Commission in the field of education. European Cummnity does not regulate the content of teaching and the organization of education systems of the Member States. The education policy of the European Union at present is mainly implemented through a series of programmes concerned with education and training. It is interesting to note that, while Member States of the Community are fiercely defending their own right to establish a content and methods of national education, the Community is recommending quite a different approach to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. As a result, people in Central and Eastern Europe are starting to feel that the transfer of knowledge, experience, and paradigms, which takes place, on the whole, rather uncritically, threatens their cultural identity. Nevertheless, we should not underestimate the substantial positive impact of the programmes providing assistance to newly developing democracies, which were established by the Community after the fall of the Communist regimes in 1989 and 1990.

New social democratic models and anthropocentric ideas significant changes in European formal and informal structures of education, and enhanced new model of educating society. Its essence is in the contexts of a person's (a child and adult) continues learning (formal and informal). Being an inherent part of the educational system, a kindergarten becomes an integral institution for the modern children and parents education. This it's importance in the society as a social-educational institution emerges. New meanings of early childhood and new models of humanistic interactions (adults - children) are enhanced by the development of the democratic society. This makes conditions for parents become equal partners with teachers, and participate in the modern development of educational process in the kindergarten. Changes in the social-educational sphere are significant for the creation of a new image of the kindergarten in the society, making it attractive for the parents and community. Thus a flexible, modern, humanistic, based on democratic values social-educational system of adult education is being created in the kindergarten. Equality of rights and equivalence of parents • -teachers' partnership in the strategic expansion of the child development model enhances creation of not only its new model, but also a model of adult education. The latter becomes an important part of the kindergarten's image. These new social-educational initiatives of the kindergarten give it a proper role in the education of the society, involving parents in the initial education by developing their understanding of social and anthropocentric senses in the educational process. In European (Germany, Great Britain) kindergartens concrete models of adult education (first of all – parents) are being developed. They are adapted to the needs of parents' communities. The new system of system of views of the participants of social-educational process could make the creation of the modern kindergarten possible by taking into consideration global changes for the open society.

New social democratic models and anthropocentric ideas significant changes in European formal and informal structures of education, and enhanced new model of educating society. Its essence is in the contexts of a person's (a child and adult) continues learning (formal and informal). Being an inherent part of the educational system, a kindergarten becomes an integral institution for the modern children and parents education. This it's importance in the society as a social-educational institution emerges. New meanings of early childhood and new models of humanistic interactions (adults - children) are enhanced by the development of the democratic society. This makes conditions for parents become equal partners with teachers, and participate in the modern development of educational process in the kindergarten. Changes in the social-educational sphere are significant for the creation of a new image of the kindergarten in the society, making it attractive for the parents and community. Thus a flexible, modern, humanistic, based on democratic values social-educational system of adult education is being created in the kindergarten. Equality of rights and equivalence of parents • -teachers' partnership in the strategic expansion of the child development model enhances creation of not only its new model, but also a model of adult education. The latter becomes an important part of the kindergarten's image. These new social-educational initiatives of the kindergarten give it a proper role in the education of the society, involving parents in the initial education by developing their understanding of social and anthropocentric senses in the educational process. In European (Germany, Great Britain) kindergartens concrete models of adult education (first of all – parents) are being developed. They are adapted to the needs of parents' communities. The new system of system of views of the participants of social-educational process could make the creation of the modern kindergarten possible by taking into consideration global changes for the open society.

The United States of America and France are states that have much in common. The USA has the greatest political, economic and military power in the world, and France held this position before the Second World War. Both, the Unites States and France, were the sources of democratic values in the eighteenth century. Currently the two countries have the same values and objectives for the world community: defence of human rights, promotion of democracy, maintenance of international stability and peace, fight against terrorism. However, France has always opposed the United States on one issue or other. It may be in the realm of international diplomacy, where one can discern a distinct distaste for America's oftproclaimed sole-superpower status, or on matters of culture, where France is always the first to denounce American "cultural imperialism." Lately, Franco – American friction has manifested itself most visibly in the UN Security Council over the Iraq war. Both countries realized the necessity to disarm Iraq yet France opposed the resolution authorizing the war against Iraq. France's antipathy to war, pessimism to crate stability in Iraq and refusal to recognize the leadership of the United States can be conceived as the reasons of the opposition. France is no longer the superpower that it was, and that leads to a strategic difference in how the two countries pursue their goals. [.].

The United States of America and France are states that have much in common. The USA has the greatest political, economic and military power in the world, and France held this position before the Second World War. Both, the Unites States and France, were the sources of democratic values in the eighteenth century. Currently the two countries have the same values and objectives for the world community: defence of human rights, promotion of democracy, maintenance of international stability and peace, fight against terrorism. However, France has always opposed the United States on one issue or other. It may be in the realm of international diplomacy, where one can discern a distinct distaste for America's oftproclaimed sole-superpower status, or on matters of culture, where France is always the first to denounce American "cultural imperialism." Lately, Franco – American friction has manifested itself most visibly in the UN Security Council over the Iraq war. Both countries realized the necessity to disarm Iraq yet France opposed the resolution authorizing the war against Iraq. France's antipathy to war, pessimism to crate stability in Iraq and refusal to recognize the leadership of the United States can be conceived as the reasons of the opposition. France is no longer the superpower that it was, and that leads to a strategic difference in how the two countries pursue their goals. [.].

The United States of America and France are states that have much in common. The USA has the greatest political, economic and military power in the world, and France held this position before the Second World War. Both, the Unites States and France, were the sources of democratic values in the eighteenth century. Currently the two countries have the same values and objectives for the world community: defence of human rights, promotion of democracy, maintenance of international stability and peace, fight against terrorism. However, France has always opposed the United States on one issue or other. It may be in the realm of international diplomacy, where one can discern a distinct distaste for America's oftproclaimed sole-superpower status, or on matters of culture, where France is always the first to denounce American "cultural imperialism." Lately, Franco – American friction has manifested itself most visibly in the UN Security Council over the Iraq war. Both countries realized the necessity to disarm Iraq yet France opposed the resolution authorizing the war against Iraq. France's antipathy to war, pessimism to crate stability in Iraq and refusal to recognize the leadership of the United States can be conceived as the reasons of the opposition. France is no longer the superpower that it was, and that leads to a strategic difference in how the two countries pursue their goals. [.].

European cultural dimensions. This implies: developing a Europe of knowledge, strengthening of stable, peaceful and democratic societies; enhancing mobility in employment and study; implementing the Bologna Magna Charta Universitatum 1988. In short the Declaration focuses on the promotion of co-operation and international competitiveness of European higher education. There are expectations of national reforms: the changes in two-tier degree structures, shorter first degrees, bridges between university and non-university sectors and external evaluation. At the institutional level, the reforms should also be considered to shape the curriculum development and evaluations (mare professionally relevant, more international and mare multidisciplinary). The article focuses on the universities role to facilitate study and labour mobility. Identifying labour needs calls for a constant update of the curriculum. The question is whether universities should move to professional training instead of providing an academic education. The article is dealing with the difficulties of the implementation of Bologna Declaration: a tension between academic education and professional training, between equality and opportunity, between internationalization and globalisation and etc. Mass higher education and life-long learning cannot be uniform across individuals, communities and countries. Reality is different in many universities, but the changes are needed in many universities too.

European cultural dimensions. This implies: developing a Europe of knowledge, strengthening of stable, peaceful and democratic societies; enhancing mobility in employment and study; implementing the Bologna Magna Charta Universitatum 1988. In short the Declaration focuses on the promotion of co-operation and international competitiveness of European higher education. There are expectations of national reforms: the changes in two-tier degree structures, shorter first degrees, bridges between university and non-university sectors and external evaluation. At the institutional level, the reforms should also be considered to shape the curriculum development and evaluations (mare professionally relevant, more international and mare multidisciplinary). The article focuses on the universities role to facilitate study and labour mobility. Identifying labour needs calls for a constant update of the curriculum. The question is whether universities should move to professional training instead of providing an academic education. The article is dealing with the difficulties of the implementation of Bologna Declaration: a tension between academic education and professional training, between equality and opportunity, between internationalization and globalisation and etc. Mass higher education and life-long learning cannot be uniform across individuals, communities and countries. Reality is different in many universities, but the changes are needed in many universities too.

European cultural dimensions. This implies: developing a Europe of knowledge, strengthening of stable, peaceful and democratic societies; enhancing mobility in employment and study; implementing the Bologna Magna Charta Universitatum 1988. In short the Declaration focuses on the promotion of co-operation and international competitiveness of European higher education. There are expectations of national reforms: the changes in two-tier degree structures, shorter first degrees, bridges between university and non-university sectors and external evaluation. At the institutional level, the reforms should also be considered to shape the curriculum development and evaluations (mare professionally relevant, more international and mare multidisciplinary). The article focuses on the universities role to facilitate study and labour mobility. Identifying labour needs calls for a constant update of the curriculum. The question is whether universities should move to professional training instead of providing an academic education. The article is dealing with the difficulties of the implementation of Bologna Declaration: a tension between academic education and professional training, between equality and opportunity, between internationalization and globalisation and etc. Mass higher education and life-long learning cannot be uniform across individuals, communities and countries. Reality is different in many universities, but the changes are needed in many universities too.

European cultural dimensions. This implies: developing a Europe of knowledge, strengthening of stable, peaceful and democratic societies; enhancing mobility in employment and study; implementing the Bologna Magna Charta Universitatum 1988. In short the Declaration focuses on the promotion of co-operation and international competitiveness of European higher education. There are expectations of national reforms: the changes in two-tier degree structures, shorter first degrees, bridges between university and non-university sectors and external evaluation. At the institutional level, the reforms should also be considered to shape the curriculum development and evaluations (mare professionally relevant, more international and mare multidisciplinary). The article focuses on the universities role to facilitate study and labour mobility. Identifying labour needs calls for a constant update of the curriculum. The question is whether universities should move to professional training instead of providing an academic education. The article is dealing with the difficulties of the implementation of Bologna Declaration: a tension between academic education and professional training, between equality and opportunity, between internationalization and globalisation and etc. Mass higher education and life-long learning cannot be uniform across individuals, communities and countries. Reality is different in many universities, but the changes are needed in many universities too.