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An examination of the life, teachings, & legacy of Tsunesaburo Makiguchi, a Japanese educational reformer & founder of the Soka Gakkai Buddhist movement, who promoted more holistic approaches to the learning process. The meaning of "value-creating education" is discussed, along with Makiguchi's struggle against the dominant voices of the time, in an attempt to find more humane ways to teach young people. His philosophy was rooted in traditional wisdom & a sense of place, & centered on education as a means to nurture self-discovery, a sense of purpose, appreciation for work, & a love of life. Makiguchi's legacy for the 21st century highlights the need for community; the imperative that humans understand & care for the earth; & the value of character-nurturing education. Intimate ties with the earth, & feelings of responsibility toward it, were basic to Makiguchi's conceptions because he feared a global environmental crisis resulting from the disappearance of inhabitants rooted in communities & appreciative of their habitat. He believed education was meant to encourage students to become "joyful, self-directing, self-actualizing, socially conscious members of society.". J. Lindroth

Arguments for the declining political significance of social class are typically based on perceptions of a weakening relationship between class & voting behavior. Building on Seymour Martin Lipset's (1959, 1981) analysis of working-class authoritarianism, it is suggested here that the relationship between class & political values -- economic conservatism or liberalism, on the one hand, & noneconomic liberalism/conservatism or authoritarianism, on the other -- is too simplistic, & must be extended to include cultural factors. Here, the role of education in accounting for cultural & economic liberalism is investigated, considering education as an indicator of social class & cultural capital. Panel data for 711 Dutch respondents collected in 1997 support Lipset's contention that the working class is the most culturally conservative & economically liberal. A high level of education is accompanied by economic conservatism, but has culturally liberalizing effects. Whether this is an effect of social class, however, is debated, since cultural capital or participation affects these values as well. Implications for theories & research on class voting are considered. 7 Tables, 3 Figures, 87 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Arguments for the declining political significance of social class are typically based on perceptions of a weakening relationship between class & voting behavior. Building on Seymour Martin Lipset's (1959, 1981) analysis of working-class authoritarianism, it is suggested here that the relationship between class & political values -- economic conservatism or liberalism, on the one hand, & noneconomic liberalism/conservatism or authoritarianism, on the other -- is too simplistic, & must be extended to include cultural factors. Here, the role of education in accounting for cultural & economic liberalism is investigated, considering education as an indicator of social class & cultural capital. Panel data for 711 Dutch respondents collected in 1997 support Lipset's contention that the working class is the most culturally conservative & economically liberal. A high level of education is accompanied by economic conservatism, but has culturally liberalizing effects. Whether this is an effect of social class, however, is debated, since cultural capital or participation affects these values as well. Implications for theories & research on class voting are considered. 7 Tables, 3 Figures, 87 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Two major waves of US immigration -- 1869-1924 & 1965-1993 -- are compared in terms of the ethnic diversification they produced & the racial conflicts that resulted in the major immigrant-receiving cities, drawing primarily on daily microfilm accounts from the New York Times of racial/ethnic collective action, both violent & nonviolent, in 76 large urban areas. It is theorized that the surge in immigration created collective mobilization among whites against people of color, spurred by increased competition for scarce resources (especially economic opportunities), which often resulted in racial violence. During the first wave, immigrants reshaped the country's ethnic national identity & reinforced the long-standing white/nonwhite racial dichotomy. During the second wave, it is contended that immigration itself, particularly the size of the immigration population, was no longer the primary cause of ethnic conflict; rather, racial diversity caused "white ethnic" immigrants to band together & seek assimilation into the native white population against immigrants of color, further cementing white/nonwhite boundaries. This is demonstrated by the increase in acts of violence against blacks & decrease in those directed at Asians during this second period. Characteristics of racial/ethnic conflicts across both periods are examined, including the size of events, level of violence, degree of organization, & participant groups; the impact of ethnic diversity on racial conflict remained positive & significant, supporting competition theory. Implications for contemporary racial relations are discussed, suggesting that, since racial/ethnic boundaries are maintained by social constructs, based largely on status & power hierarchies, there is the possibility that they can be changed. 5 Tables, 2 Figures, 81 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

A comparison of early social policy in Germany & Japan argues that the welfare state is an important but often overlooked factor that helps to explain the varied performance & different institutions of contemporary market economies. It is maintained that the "ways & means" of economic coordination (based in the firm in Japan & in the industrial sector in Germany) correspond to key institutional features of each nation's welfare state. State intervention in Japan was intended to address problems of high employee turnover & the scarcity of skilled labor without interfering with market forces, while Germany's social legislation was aimed primarily at controlling the worker movement & lessening worker-employer conflicts. In spite of some differences, the welfare states of Germany & Japan integrated labor & capital & targeted welfare entitlements, especially for the industrial workforce. Both welfare states became more unified & universal over time & have helped to achieve a productivity coalition between workers & employers, as well as a trusting, long-term cooperation between economic agents. J. Lindroth

A comparison of early social policy in Germany & Japan argues that the welfare state is an important but often overlooked factor that helps to explain the varied performance & different institutions of contemporary market economies. It is maintained that the "ways & means" of economic coordination (based in the firm in Japan & in the industrial sector in Germany) correspond to key institutional features of each nation's welfare state. State intervention in Japan was intended to address problems of high employee turnover & the scarcity of skilled labor without interfering with market forces, while Germany's social legislation was aimed primarily at controlling the worker movement & lessening worker-employer conflicts. In spite of some differences, the welfare states of Germany & Japan integrated labor & capital & targeted welfare entitlements, especially for the industrial workforce. Both welfare states became more unified & universal over time & have helped to achieve a productivity coalition between workers & employers, as well as a trusting, long-term cooperation between economic agents. J. Lindroth

A comment on Will Kymlicka's "Western Political Theory and Ethnic Relations in Eastern Europe" (2001) argues that he assumes that post-Soviet states operate as Western states do. His never fully articulated assumption that post-Soviet states have the political will to solve problems related to ethnocultural diversity, possess a national majority that defines government policy toward minorities, retain a vision as to what such a policy looks like, & can make appropriate decisions to meet obligations is deemed unwarranted. The power structure of the post-Soviet states is addressed, along with national security issues related to minority groups & peculiar to postcommunist societies. The political dimension in determining who is or is not a nation or national minority is next touched on before considering how Crimean Tatars view themselves, ie, as an indigenous nation rather than an ethnic group, a label that Kymlicka questions. It is argued that a two-nation state model would best answer the Crimean Tatar question.

A comment on Will Kymlicka's "Western Political Theory and Ethnic Relations in Eastern Europe" (2001) argues that he assumes that post-Soviet states operate as Western states do. His never fully articulated assumption that post-Soviet states have the political will to solve problems related to ethnocultural diversity, possess a national majority that defines government policy toward minorities, retain a vision as to what such a policy looks like, & can make appropriate decisions to meet obligations is deemed unwarranted. The power structure of the post-Soviet states is addressed, along with national security issues related to minority groups & peculiar to postcommunist societies. The political dimension in determining who is or is not a nation or national minority is next touched on before considering how Crimean Tatars view themselves, ie, as an indigenous nation rather than an ethnic group, a label that Kymlicka questions. It is argued that a two-nation state model would best answer the Crimean Tatar question.

Investigates the nature & impact of state regulation on entry & integration of US immigrants. The author argues that the current debate on membership concerns access to both state & civil society. Starting with a review of the literature on state policies, migration, & integration, the author examines the effects of legislation such as CA's Proposition 187. He identifies three perspectives for scholarly examination of the state: its impact on migration & integration, its role as a self-interested actor, & its multifaceted nature. The article concludes with a discussion of the structure of US membership today, recent citizenship legislation, & topics for future study. 47 References. J. R. Callahan

Investigates the nature & impact of state regulation on entry & integration of US immigrants. The author argues that the current debate on membership concerns access to both state & civil society. Starting with a review of the literature on state policies, migration, & integration, the author examines the effects of legislation such as CA's Proposition 187. He identifies three perspectives for scholarly examination of the state: its impact on migration & integration, its role as a self-interested actor, & its multifaceted nature. The article concludes with a discussion of the structure of US membership today, recent citizenship legislation, & topics for future study. 47 References. J. R. Callahan

Examines the disconnection between rhetoric & reality in the US devolution debate. The first section focuses on definitional & interpretive questions arising from the term "devolution." The next section considers three types of explanations for the gap between US devolution rhetoric & reality: (1) the failure to convert a broad if nebulous support for devolution into accord on particular devolutions; (2) the impossibility of neatly spreading functional responsibilities among the federal, state, & local authorities; & (3) the argument that selective devolution is embraced chiefly by the ideological extremes of both major parties, although for vastly different reasons. The third section describes the politics of the US devolution debate, & the final section compares & contrasts the US debate to that in the EU. 28 References. K. Coddon

The question of whether the Swedish welfare state experienced retrenchment during the 1990s is addressed within the context of the nation's child care system. An historical overview of the Swedish child care system's development is presented, emphasizing the expansion of public child care between the 1970s & 1990s, & the emergence of sentiment that advocated the ability to choose between public & private child care during the 1990s. Data measuring public expenditures on child care & child care enrollment are analyzed to determine whether Sweden's system is universalist. The quality of child care offered to Swedish families & the extent to which the system has been privatized are also examined. The issue concerning whether the Swedish system has succeeded in providing care to single & cohabiting mothers, working- & professional-class employees, unemployed people, & immigrants is investigated. While certain aspects of the Swedish child care system have been restructured, it is concluded that others have remained unchanged. 4 Tables, 2 Figures, 56 References. J. W. Parker

The question of whether the Swedish welfare state experienced retrenchment during the 1990s is addressed within the context of the nation's child care system. An historical overview of the Swedish child care system's development is presented, emphasizing the expansion of public child care between the 1970s & 1990s, & the emergence of sentiment that advocated the ability to choose between public & private child care during the 1990s. Data measuring public expenditures on child care & child care enrollment are analyzed to determine whether Sweden's system is universalist. The quality of child care offered to Swedish families & the extent to which the system has been privatized are also examined. The issue concerning whether the Swedish system has succeeded in providing care to single & cohabiting mothers, working- & professional-class employees, unemployed people, & immigrants is investigated. While certain aspects of the Swedish child care system have been restructured, it is concluded that others have remained unchanged. 4 Tables, 2 Figures, 56 References. J. W. Parker

An introductory essay to a section on "Stories from the Field" notes that the contributors offer a wide variety of examples of the diverse ways in which scholars in the field of feminist science studies have initiated a constructive discourse between feminism & education. They relate the challenges & struggles involved in trying to make connections between disparate places. In addition, the many successes have helped to develop an effective critique of science & feminism that is being integrated into education in both the sciences & women's studies. A discussion of the movement to reform science education at the elementary, high school, & university levels stresses transformative strategies intended to place a feminist analytical perspective into the goals for education. Ways to build critical thinking about the myth of a universal "Western" scientific framework into the curriculum for science majors are examined, along with the need to produce subsequent generations of teachers willing to challenge the accepted version of scientific culture. 18 References. J. Lindroth