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The Khrushchev-inspired transformation of the school system affected the whole Central Eastern European region and determined pedagogical discourses for years. After the fall of Khrushchev (in 1964), the process stopped and the original goals were modified – in Hungary and everywhere in the socialist bloc. According to the evaluation of the reform after the fall of Khrushchev and the remembrance policy of the Kádár Era, the entire process was to be forgotten. This is definitely characteristic of the actors who participated in preparing decisions: although the School Reform Committee had formulated the main principles of the transformation (translating ideology into pedagogy), its members were barely referred to later, at most in one sentence as a warning. Chosen by party leaders, decision-makers were not mentioned in public in the 1960s or thereafter. In this paper, I briefly outline the historical context and then the theoretical aspects, which have prompted me to employ prosopography; in the second half of the study, an analysis provides a good example of this methodology. ; A Hruscsov által 1958-ban kezdeményezett oktatáspolitikai átalakítás az egész középkelet európai térségen végigsöpört, jó pár évre meghatározva a közéleti-pedagógiai diskurzusokat. Azonban Hruscsov bukása (1964) után megtorpant a folyamat, módosultak az eredeti célkitűzések Magyarországon és máshol is. A reform hatásai a mai napig érezhetőek (pl. az iskolarendszer reformja, a szakképzés, a koedukáció, a tananyag szerkezete, a középfokú oktatás expanziója), és a későbbiekben még fel-felbukkantak az átalakítás központi motívumai (pl. a politechnika, szocialista nevelőiskola), azonban Hruscsov bukása és a reform megítélése összekapcsolódott, a Kádár-rendszer emlékezetpolitikája a felejtés útját követte. Különösen igaz a hallgatás a hazai döntések előkészítésében részt vevő szereplőkre nézve: az átalakítás alapelveit megfogalmazó Iskolai Reformbizottság maximum említés szintjén bukkant fel a későbbiekben, nem is esett szó azokról a pártvezetés által kiválasztott döntéselőkészítőkről, döntéshozókról, akik az ideológiai-politikai akaratot a pedagógia nyelvére lefordították. Tanulmányomban a történeti kontextus rövid felvázolása után azokat az elméleti megfontolásokat ismertetem, amelyek a prozopográfiai módszertan alkalmazásához vezettek a kutatás során. A tanulmány második fele az elemzés bemutatásával a módszer alkalmazására nyújt példát.

Valamennyi tagállamra azonos szabályok vonatkoztak az európai integráció Maastricht előtti unitárius szerkezetében. Többsebességű integráció lehetséges a Gazdasági és Monetáris Unió rendszerében: különféle kormányzási modellek, bonyolult intézményi feltételek állnak fenn. Milyen változásokat hozhatna az "európai gazdasági kormányzás", illetve a "teljes" gazdasági unió kiépítése az EU intézményi szerkezetében? Hogyan alakulna e körülmények között az euróövezetbe tartozó, illetve az abból kimaradó tagállamok helyzete? Milyen eltérések lehetnek az egyes tagállamok között az uniós szabályok alkalmazásában? Milyen szerepet tölthet be a megerősített együttműködés a tagállamok szűkebb csoportjának mélyebb integrációjában? Hogyan alakulhat a mediterrán periféria, illetve a közép- és kelet-európai "új tagállamok" pozíciója? Többek között a fenti kérdésekre is választ kapunk a kötetben. = All member states were subject to the same rules in the pre-Maastricht unitary structure of European integration. Multi-speed integration is possible in the Economic and Monetary Union system: different governance models, complex institutional conditions. What changes could the construction of a "European economic governance" or a " full" economic union bring to the institutional structure of the EU? How would the situation of Member States in and out of the euro area evolve under these circumstances? What differences might there be between Member States in the application of EU rules? What role could enhanced cooperation play in the deeper integration of a narrower group of Member States? How might the position of the Mediterranean periphery and the "new Member States" of Central and Eastern Europe evolve? Among other things, these questions are answered in this volume.

This paper explores how Britain's and Colombia's privileged relations with the United States (U.S.) influenced their journey through the European Community (EC) and the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR). The Anglo–American Special Relationship (AASR) was compatible with British participation in the European Single Market, but not with adherence to creating the EC's common currency, nor with leadership in building a European defence structure autonomous from NATO. Thus, since the start of the Iraq war, Britain played a rather obstructive role in what later was called European Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The US–Colombia Partnership (USCP), based on a longstanding military association reinforced under Plan Colombia, naturally discouraged any meaningful Colombian participation in UNASUR's South American Security Council (CDS), a regional cooperative security project, promoted by Brazil. Cherished projects of the liberal CAP – such as triangular cooperation (to export Colombian security expertise to Central America with U.S. co-financing and oversight) and NATO partnership – also distracted Colombia's interest from UNASUR, diminishing the latter's relevance collaterally. A role for UNASUR – alongside the Organization of American States (OAS) – in South American security management was compatible with the liberal CAP, but not with the neoconservative CAP. Even a lopsided complementation – such as the one between NATO and the CSDP – proved unviable between the OAS and UNASUR.

On the whole we can claim that in the last almost sixty years there was a significant change in Croatian-Hungarian trans-border relationships. State-governed cooperation was replaced by project-controlled co-operations under the guidance of local-governments and the civil sphere. Unfortunately, stock and human workforce deficit very often obstructs success. Besides it is a permanent problem in our country that state politics has a great influence on local-government politics. So in a certain euroregion the success of operation highly depends on where the local-governments and civil organization belong to politically and on the leaders' ability to validate their interests. As a result of stock deficit mentioned previously project-based co-operations occurred.1 But these ad hoc project associations are not able and won't even be able to use union sources efficiently and generate any kind of long-term regional development. ; On the whole we can claim that in the last almost sixty years there was a significant change in Croatian-Hungarian trans-border relationships. State-governed cooperation was replaced by project-controlled co-operations under the guidance of local-governments and the civil sphere. Unfortunately, stock and human workforce deficit very often obstructs success. Besides it is a permanent problem in our country that state politics has a great influence on local-government politics. So in a certain euroregion the success of operation highly depends on where the local-governments and civil organization belong to politically and on the leaders' ability to validate their interests. As a result of stock deficit mentioned previously project-based co-operations occurred.1 But these ad hoc project associations are not able and won't even be able to use union sources efficiently and generate any kind of long-term regional development.