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Begrepet siida er kjent over hele Sápmi. Så langt tilbake i tid vi kan vite, har siidaer vært der som noe som vi kan forstå som samiske lokalsamfunn. Det som i dag gjenstår av videreførte næringsutøvende og levemåtepraktiserende siidaer, er siidaer som har arbeidet med reinflokker som sitt sammenbindende element. Denne siidatradisjonen har vært levende frem til i dag spesielt i Kautokeino- og Karasjokområdet i Norge, det vil si i det området hvor det foreliggende studiet er gjort. Imidlertid lever den fortsatt i krysspresset mellom representasjonen av tidligere østlige siidaer i litteraturen og den forvaltningsmessige praktisering av reindriftsloven. Bildet av en fasttømret organisering i de østlige siidaer og opphør av de såkalte veidesiidaene har usynliggjort forbindelseslinjene mellom tidligere og dagens siidaer og også ført til oppfattelse av siidasystemet som ikke-eksisterende. Reindriftslovgivningen har på sin side skapt og utviklet et alternativt reinbeitedistriktssystem. Etter at siidaen i prinsippet ble anerkjent ved reindriftsloven av 2007, har problemstillinger og forvaltningspraksis med opphav i reinbeitedistriktssystemet allikevel fått lov til å prege tilnærmingen til siidasystemet. For å kunne rehabilitere siidaer og siidasystemet er det ingen veg utenom å plukke opp og ta utgangspunkt i forbindelseslinjene som ligger i videreføringen av siidaer gjennom tidene. Det går ut på å ta utgangspunkt i siidasystemets egne begreper, forståelsesformer og prioriteringer. I dag dreier det seg først og fremst om å ekstrahere og fremlegge siidaers felles begrepsbruk og tradisjonelle kunnskaper i arbeidet med reinflokker, men også å rette blikket mot tradisjonelle anskuelsesformer som ligger bak praksisene i siidautøvelsen. Blant annet ligger i dette et grunnlag for å synliggjøre settinger og tilpasning i forholdet mellom siidautøvelsen og dens naturgitte omgivelser, og også problemstillinger og sider ved avklaring av forhold mellom siidaer i prosessen mot rehabilitering av siidasystemet. Fastsettelse av ytre rammer for reinbeitedistrikter og siidaer har tematisk sett vært et møtepunkt mellom reineierne og offentlig forvaltning, et møte som så langt ikke har hatt siidaers tradisjonelle kunnskaper og tenkemåter som sitt utgangspunkt og sentrum for oppmerksomhet. Det foreliggende studiet tar for seg eksempler på tradisjonell samisk livsanskuelse og måter å nærme seg siidaer ut fra deres egne begreper og praksiser. Som reingjeteren forholder seg til kantene av flokken så forholder disse tekstene seg til betydningsfulle aspekter av siidaer generelt og ikke til det indre liv i noen spesifikk siida. ; Siidadoaba lea oahpis miehtá Sámi. Siiddat leat leamaš juo nu áigá go mii oba diehtit. Dat siiddat mat leat buolvvas bulvii doalahuvvon otnážii birgejumi ja eallinlági vuođđun, lea dat siiddat main boazoealut dahket siiddastallama. Dát siidavierut lea leamaš eallevaččat gitta otná rádjái, Norgga bealde erenoamážit Guovdageainnus ja Kárášjogas. Dat dattege ain almmolašvuođas cahket duvdahuvvan dilis, girjjálašvuođa dološ nuortalaš siiddaid ja boazodoallolága hálddahuslaš meannudeami gaskkas. Nuortalaš siiddaid čavga organiserema ja bivdosiiddaid bieđganeami govat leat jávkadan ovdalaš ja dálá siiddaid čanastagaid ja dagahan vel dan ipmárdusa ahte siidavuogádat ii leat šat doaimmas. Boazodoallolágaiguin fas lea ásahuvvon ja ovddiduvvon boazoguohtundistriktavuogádat dasa buohta. Maŋŋel go 2007 boazodoallolágain siida vuođđojurdagis dohkkehuvvui leat buorrin ieš sadjásis, leat aŋkke boazoguohtundistriktavuogádaga vuolggahan áššečoavdimušat ja hálddahuslaš doaibmavuogit beassan báidnit vugiid mainna lágiin ipmirdišgoahtit siidavuogádaga. Jus galgat máhttit fastain árvvosmuhttit siidda ja siidavuogádaga, de eat sáhte garvit bargamuša geaži gávdnat dain čanastagain mat leat doalahan siiddaid áiggiid čađa. Das ii leat earágo vuođđun atnit siidavuogádaga iežas doahpagiid, ipmárdusvugiid ja vuoruhemiid. Dálá dilis ovddemussan fertet lavdit ja ovdan bidjat siiddaid oktasaš doabageavaheami ja árbevirolaš máhtu eallogohkkema birra, muhto maiddái geahččalit čalbmat ipmárdusvugiid mat leat dagolaš siiddastallama duohken. Earret eará lea dás vejolaš oidnosii dahkat siiddastallama ja eatnamiid gaskavuođa meriid ja heivehusaid, ja nu maiddái siiddaid gaskavuođa gažaldagaid ja čilgejumi dárbbuid das go galgat bargagoahtit fastain árvvosmuhttit siidavuogádaga. Siiddaid ravdameriid čilgejupmi lea leamaš boazoeaiggádiid ja almmolaš hálddahusa deaivvadeami sáhkafáddán, deaivvadeapmi mas dán rádjái eai leat adnon siiddaid árbevirolaš máhtut ja jurddavuogit sáhkavuođđun. Čállagiin maid dás bijan ovdan, guorahalan ovdamearkkaid das maid sápmelaččat leat árbevirolaččat diđoštan ja vugiid beassat siiddaid lagabuidda alddeset doahpagiid ja doaibmavugiid bokte. Dáid čállagiid lean jurddahan lohkamuššan sihke siiddaid olbmuide ja earáide. Nugo guođoheaddjit bissot ealloravddain, de dáid tevsttaid guorahallamat nai bissot siidaravddaid diđošteapmin, eaige mana guđege siidda sisa. ; The concept of siida is well-known throughout the Sápmi. Far back in time there have been local Sámi communities called siidas. Siidas having reindeer herding as their unifying element are today the only ones representing a continuous practice of traditional siida livelihood and way of life. They represent an ongoing siida tradition up to now, especially the siidas in Guovdageaidnu and Kárášjohka in Norway, i.e. in the region where the present research has been carried out. This tradition, however, still lives under pressure from the representation of the eastern siidas in literature on the one side and the administrative way of practicing the Reindeer Husbandry Act on the other side. The image of a stable organization in the eastern siidas and the end of the hunting siidas has veiled the connecting lines between the past and present siidas and also led to an understanding of the siida system as non-existent. On the other hand, legislation on reindeer husbandry has led to construction and development of an alternate organization, the Reindeer Herding District system. The new Reindeer Husbandry Act now has acknowledged the siida as a basic unit, but issues and governing practices originating from the reindeer herding district system have still been allowed to shape the approach to the siida system. The process towards rehabilitation of siidas and the siida system contains no ways round the method of picking up the connecting lines between past and present siidas and taking them as our starting points. This implies taking the siida system's own concepts, premises of thought and priorities as our starting point. Today it means primarily to extract and present the siidas' shared concepts and traditional herding knowledge, but also to look towards the traditional world view behind the siida practices. This provides, among other things, a basis to elucidate settings and adaptation in the relationship between siida and its natural surroundings, and also issues and ways of settling different matters in the process of rehabilitation of the siida system. Determination of outer limits for reindeer herding districts and siidas has been a thematic meeting point between reindeer herders and government. So far these meetings have not taken the siidas traditional knowledge and ways of thinking as their primary starting point and focus of attention. The present research examines examples of traditional Sámi beliefs and ways to approach siidas based on their own concepts and practices. These texts are meant to be read by both siida members and others. As the reindeer herder primarily relates to the edges of the herd, likewise these texts relate to important aspects of all siidas and not to the inner life of any specific siida.

This article discusses the "Critical period" in language acquisition – based on the theory that children are born with the natural ability to learn language; an ability that gradually fades or disappears. According to this theory, children who are not privy to normal language stimulation during childhood miss their chance to acquire a language "perfectly".Critical periods do not only exist in language, e.g. children and other young animals need to receive visual stimulation for their vision to develop. The beginning of this article considers difference in opportunities for research, and thereby the state of knowledge concerning the critical period in vision, compared to language acquisition. The difference is based mainly on two factors: on the one hand, animals have been studied to elucidate the critical period in vision – an option that linguists do not have – and, on the other, it is quite common for children to lack visual stimulation, i.e. due to cataracts. It is less common for children to grow up without language stimulation, although stories exist of children that, for one reason or another, were deprived of human interaction during childhood. The author uses this opportunity to provide an account of two such stories, in a more detailed fashion than would be necessary to define the critical period in language acquisition. These are also stories of violence and questionable work methods for the sake of science. This is followed by a discussion of deaf children as, in the past – as well as the present day – it was common for them not to receive appropriate language stimulation from the beginning, i.e. via the use of sign language. The examples are so many that late language acquisition by deaf children can shed light on the critical period in language acquisition.Many have discussed the critical period in language acquisition but emphasis is often placed on that which has remained unlearned. This article asks rather what can be learned and whether language structure can be established despite a late start for the language acquisition process.

In the Icelandic traditional ballads from medieval and post-medieval times, wo-men and their voices are very prominent, while stories of male heroes were rather portrayed in rímur. The language is very unusual and shows signs of translation, formulas are frequently used, and the mode of narration is objective and clear. Love is a common subject, and so is violence, often gender-based and sexual. In the article the background of these ballads is discussed shortly and their emergence in Icelandic oral culture and later its literature, as they were recorded by educated men, from nameless sources, most probably women. Seven ballads are then used to show different aspects of violence within the genre. All are highly dramatic, and their subject is harsh: hardship, rape, birth and loss of children, and sometimes the victims take things into their own hands and avenge in a graphic way. How ballads that tell such terrible tales, can have been sung and danced to at joyous gatherings, is an interesting food for thought. It will be reasoned that these ballads have primarily been sung by women, and they can even have been a consolation and a tool to deal with gender-based violence in their own lives.

This essay concerns itself with perceptions of the urban sphere, with its manifestations in literature and life writing, and with the city as a place of strangeness and travel in various senses, including the ways in which it pertains to the individual
world view. Cities are places of density and internal connections, but their gates also open out and connect with other places, and increasingly other cities. Following a discussion of the Icelandic links between Copenhagen and Reykjavík, and the slow emergence of the latter as a "literary capital", the course is set for foreign cities, including Berlin and Paris in the company of Walter Benjamin, and the experience of getting lost with Franz Kafka in places that may be Prague and New York. In
attempting to answer the question whether it is possible to become intimate with cities, we have recourse to city guides, life maps, a touring theatre – and the art of losing and finding.

This article deals with the authorship of Elísabet Kristín Jökulsdóttir, with special emphasis on the autofictional novel Heilræði lásasmiðsins (The locksmith's advice), as well as other works that are based on autobiographical material. Elísabet writes a lot about the female body, its desires and erotic longings, as well as how helpless and weak it can be in particular situations. Her writing on the self, body and sexuality centres on the opposition between love and rejection. The desire for love is the driving force behind her writing and a deep and ruthless self-examination is at work in her fictional world. This desire is closely connected to the female body and sexual drive and Elísabet scrutinizes the nature of 'femininity' and asks what it means to be ,a woman'. Elísabet describes the female body in all its nakedness and vulnerability and shows how the body is the battleground where the main conflicts between self and others take place. Elísabet frequently describes two oppositional worlds in her works. There are conflicts between the magical world and reality, the father and the mother, the child and the grown-up, psychological difficulties and 'sanity'. a divided self is a persistent theme in her writings, as well as the struggle to remain on the right side of the "borders", which are frequently mentioned. Elísabet's writings reveal a struggle for marking a place for oneself in the world, to be heard and seen, to be able to createand recreate the self and through her writing, she copes with existence and difficulties that are rooted in childhood. Through writing, she finds a way out and the writing process serves as self-analysis and therapy. In her works Elísabet also creates her own personal mythology, which she connects with women's struggle for self-realization, freedom and social space. The analysis of Elísabet's works is inspired by the writings of feminist scholars, such as Simone de Beauvoir, Kate millett and Hélène Cixous.