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Education for safety is an exceptionally topical issue in the modern world. It is an indispensable tool for achieving the goals of sustainable development. Who, when and where to educate; what tools to use; and according to what idea – these are essential questions related to raising human awareness. The aim of the article is to analyze and assess the awareness of society in terms of knowledge and skills in the field of safe behavior and attitude, the perception of safety in the context of sustainable development. The results of the research presented in the articleclearly indicate a high level of public involvement in acquiring knowledge and skills on safe behaviours and attitudes. The conclusions obtained allow to develop a strategy that will permit to develop an education system for safety (that will consider formal and informal education) as well as self-education. These conclusions constitute the basis for building cooperation between central government and local government units, educational units, and non-governmental organisations.

This paper attempts to present a review of higher education reform processes in Poland in 1990-2015 and 2016-2018 (when a draft of the so‑called Act 2.0 was prepared) and an assessment of the domestic "art of reforms". As the author has adopted the perspective of the public policy science, she focuses on issues of public policy making, i.e. the development and strategic programming policy, drafting legislation, and accompanying public consultations. Furthermore, the paper discusses three past and one current attempt to reform higher education in the context of the political economy of reforms that are globally perceived as a benchmark. The long, nearly 30‑year period covered by the paper's analyses allowed the author to draw conclusions with regard to the evolution of higher education policy, highlighting the problem of its quality (standards) as a public policy.

The educational reform designed by Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (the Law and Justice political party) fits in a pattern of the previous Polish reforms, primarily due to the way they were introduced. The political rather than substantive factors determine their design, they are introduced too hastily, and the appointed experts are treated as an embellishment. This mode of operation is characteristic not only of Poland. The researchers cited in the text (J. Nelson, M. S. Archer, N. Luhmann) indicate its root causes and limited effectiveness. The state remains the most important player in shaping the educational system despite the attempts to reduce its influence on education under neo-liberal policies. However, the current analysis of its limited effectiveness should lay the foundations for a policy, which would take into account the need to reckon with the interests of other actors as well as to develop a long-term strategy.

The purpose of this article is to provide a detailed overview of the essential measures and regulations implemented by the European Union within the framework of its public policy on cybersecurity and make a comprehensive comparative analysis of the cybersecurity capabilities in E. U. Member States and their national strategies in this area. This article highlights multiple issues that should be the center of attention in regard to public policy on cybersecurity, which made it possible to evaluate the compliance of the existing 104 Zbigniew Chmielewski Studia z Polityki Publicznej regulations passed by the E. U. policy makers and the way it was approached. Based on the 2015 Software Alliance (BSA) survey and other available sources an analysis was made to evaluate the readiness of E. U. Member States to ensure security in cyberspace. Special attention was paid to "The Assumptions of Cybersecurity Strategy of the Republic of Poland", developed by the Ministry of Digitisation and published in February 2016.

In the Europe of the European Union, policies and programmes on the social inclusion of millions of Euros have been presented for years in different countries, with a greater concentration in the countries of the South and neighbouring countries. This issue is of concern to state, regional and also local governments. The strategies proposed are also multilevel. It is the latter that have the most complicated role since they are the ones that are closest to the problem. For this last level of public administration, the main obstacle is the lack of resources, becoming clearly dependent on European, national and autonomous funds. The analysis of the plans guides us as to which aspects are the most important. This is the case of Barcelona, because it is an example of inclusive support measures and teamwork on a European and international scale. A theoretical model derived from the analysis of the theory and the results of the application of the different social policies of inclusion through training is presented, in which the leader has a determining role and a new actor is incorporated into the traditional models. ; In the Europe of the European Union, policies and programmes on the social inclusion of millions of Euros have been presented for years in different countries, with a greater concentration in the countries of the South and neighbouring countries. This issue is of concern to state, regional and also local governments. The strategies proposed are also multilevel. It is the latter that have the most complicated role since they are the ones that are closest to the problem. For this last level of public administration, the main obstacle is the lack of resources, becoming clearly dependent on European, national and autonomous funds. The analysis of the plans guides us as to which aspects are the most important. This is the case of Barcelona, because it is an example of inclusive support measures and teamwork on a European and international scale. A theoretical model derived from the analysis of the theory and the results of the application of the different social policies of inclusion through training is presented, in which the leader has a determining role and a new actor is incorporated into the traditional models.

In the Europe of the European Union, policies and programmes on the social inclusion of millions of Euros have been presented for years in different countries, with a greater concentration in the countries of the South and neighbouring countries. This issue is of concern to state, regional and also local governments. The strategies proposed are also multilevel. It is the latter that have the most complicated role since they are the ones that are closest to the problem. For this last level of public administration, the main obstacle is the lack of resources, becoming clearly dependent on European, national and autonomous funds. The analysis of the plans guides us as to which aspects are the most important. This is the case of Barcelona, because it is an example of inclusive support measures and teamwork on a European and international scale. A theoretical model derived from the analysis of the theory and the results of the application of the different social policies of inclusion through training is presented, in which the leader has a determining role and a new actor is incorporated into the traditional models. ; In the Europe of the European Union, policies and programmes on the social inclusion of millions of Euros have been presented for years in different countries, with a greater concentration in the countries of the South and neighbouring countries. This issue is of concern to state, regional and also local governments. The strategies proposed are also multilevel. It is the latter that have the most complicated role since they are the ones that are closest to the problem. For this last level of public administration, the main obstacle is the lack of resources, becoming clearly dependent on European, national and autonomous funds. The analysis of the plans guides us as to which aspects are the most important. This is the case of Barcelona, because it is an example of inclusive support measures and teamwork on a European and international scale. A theoretical model derived from the analysis of the theory and the results of the application of the different social policies of inclusion through training is presented, in which the leader has a determining role and a new actor is incorporated into the traditional models.

The following debate took place on March 22, 2019 at the Warsaw School of Economics. The content of the Study on Spatial Chaos report provided the framework for the discussion. Its authors estimated the cost of spatial chaos at PLN 84.3 billion per year. They indicated the main mechanisms leading to the occurrence of this phenomenon.

W artykule przyglądam się temu, jaką edukację polityczną warto rozwijać we współczesnej polskiej szkole i wszędzie tam, gdzie buduje się w ludziach zdolność do wspólnej i niewyalienowanej pracy. Kierunek rozważań wyznaczyła konieczność ustosunkowania się myśli pedagogicznej – i równoległego dostosowania praktyk wychowawczych – do zmian w sposobie koordynacji społeczeństwa, które dokonują się w atmosferze groźby wybuchu wojny. Rozważania te buduję na dotychczasowych badaniach własnych z obszaru uczenia się w ruchach społecznych, analizując trzy porządki zapewniające koordynację społeczeństw (neoliberalizm, nacjonalizm, militaryzm) w kontekście wykluczanych przez nie wartości: dobra wspólnego, samorządu i pokoju. Rezultatem pracy jest matryca przyporządkowująca te kontrwartości różnym typom współpracy (koordynacji, kooperacji i kolaboracji). Matryca pozwala identyfikować specyfikę konkretnych przykładów mobilizacji społecznej, jak i rozpoznawać luki w kształceniu kolektywnych umiejętności współdziałania. Rezultaty analizy pozwalają zoperacjonalizować praktyki oporu pod kątem celów wychowania i stawiają w nowym świetle problemy powiązań i nawarstwiania się wrogich szkole ideologii neoliberalizmu, nacjonalizmu i militaryzmu. ; The paper analyses types of political education worth developing in contemporary Polish schools and in other places dedicated to building human capacity to work together in a non-alienated way. The analysis is based on my own research from the area of learning in social movements. I analyze three orders ensuring social coordination (neoliberalism, nationalism, and militarism) in the context of the values they exclude: the common good, self-government and peace. The result of the work is a matrix assigning these counter-values, accordingly, to coordination, cooperation and collaboration. 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The article relates to the situation in the Polish education, where moral education is taught as two school subjects: either religious education or ethics. Although the subjects are in direct competition, essentially, they relate to the same curriculum content. The author distinguishes moral upbringing from moral education, by assuming that the upbringing is carried out mainly at home, whereas the school's aim is to support the skills of making moral choices by the young generation. Therefore, the school cannot be blamed for pupils' moral condition because it is shaped by the home environment, which is understood in a wide sense here.

The subject of the study is the Bologna Process, its assumptions and course. The article contains an analysis of the Act on university education and science in order to indicate solutions for the harmonization in Poland under the Bologna movement. This movement is characterized as an example of European integration (harmonization) in the sphere of higher education, which was initiated by the Bologna Declaration of 19 June 1999. The main idea behind this declaration was the joint creation of the European Higher Education Area. The process initiated then goes beyond the scope of activities undertaken only by European Union governments. The analysis covers the following parts: The scope of the Bologna Process, Further European actors and the Sorbonne Declaration, The Bologna Process today, Implementation barriers was well as criticism. An integral part of the work is the Bologna Process and the Constitution for Science (Law on university education and science). ; skinder@ukw.edu.pl ; Marcin Skinder – zajmuje się naukowo i dydaktycznie zagadnieniami politycznymi i prawnymi kwestii społecznych oraz szkolnictwa wyższego. Szczególne miejsce w jego zainteresowaniach badawczych zajmuje Proces Boloński jako czynnik rozwoju europejskiego szkolnictwa wyższego. Był uczestnikiem stażu naukowego w University College Dublin (UCD, National University of Ireland). W 2019 roku uzyskał stopień doktora habilitowanego w zakresie nauk społecznych w dyscyplinie nauki o polityce na Wydziale Politologii Uniwersytetu Pedagogicznego im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie. Opublikował kilka książek. ; Marcin Skinder – scientifically and academically deals with political and legal social issues and higher education. A special place in his research interests is occupied by the Bologna Process as a factor in the development of European higher education. He participated in a research internship at University College Dublin (UCD, National University of Ireland). In 2019, he received a post-doctoral degree (habilitation) in the field of social sciences in the discipline of political science at the Faculty of Political Science of the Pedagogical University of Krakow. Author of several books. ; Uniwersytet Kazimierza Wielkiego w Bydgoszczy, Polska ; Antonowicz D., Jaworska M., Tajemnicze rady uczelni, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 10. ; Antonowicz D., Uniwersytet przyszłości. Wyzwania i modele polityki, Warszawa 2005. ; Chmielecka E., Proces boloński – to już 20 lat!, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 9. ; Czaplińska J., Zmiany do zmiany, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 10. ; Czechowska-Derkacz B., Zainspirować media, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 10. ; Czopek S., Korekta ewaluacji dyscyplin naukowych, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 11. ; Dakowska D., Between Competition Imperative and Europeanisation. The Case of Higher Education Reform in Poland, "Higher Education, Springer Verlag" 2015, nr 69 (1). ; Dąbrowa-Szefler M., Jabłecka-Prysłopska J., Szkolnictwo wyższe w Polsce. Raport dla OECD, Warszawa 2005. ; Drogosz-Zabłocka E., Minkiewicz B. (red.), Ekonomiczne studia licencjackie z perspektywy absolwenta i władz uczelni, Uniwersytet Warszawski, Centrum Badań Polityki Naukowej i Szkolnictwa Wyższego, Warszawa 2003. ; Frąckowiak A., Europejski Obszar Szkolnictwa Wyższego. Konkurencja dla uczelni amerykańskich?, t. 1, Płock 2007. ; Górecki M., Nauka równoległa, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 10. ; Jarzembska K., Konkursy na stanowiska nauczycieli akademickich, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 7–8. ; Karoński M., Polska nauka czy nauka w Polsce?, "Nauka" 2015, nr 3. ; Kieraciński P., Ścieżki kariery – oficerowie i chorążowie, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 7–8. ; Kiryjow-Radzka A., Od nieufności do zaufania, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 10. ; Kraśniewski A., Proces Boloński: dokąd zmierza europejskie szkolnictwo wyższe?, Warszawa 2004. ; Krzych B. K., Na marginesie dyskusji o kształceniu doktorantów, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 10. ; Kwieciński Z., Dryfować i łudzić. Polska "strategia" edukacyjna, "Nauka" 2006, nr 1. ; Lutrzykowski A., Między Bolonią a Bergen (1988–2005), Bydgoszcz 2006. ; Lutrzykowski A., Proces Boloński. Ku Europejskiemu Obszarowi Szkolnictwa Wyższego, "Athenaeum" 2006, vol. 16. ; Macukow B., Deklaracja Bolońska. Geneza – cele – realizacja, Warszawa 2007. ; Malec J., Czy uczelnie niepubliczne przestaną kształcić doktorantów?, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 7–8. ; Osajda K., O kształt prawniczych studiów doktoranckich w Polsce, "Nauka" 2015, nr 1. ; Pinheiro R., Antonowicz D., Opening the gates or coping with the flow? Governing access to higher education in Northern and Central Europe, "Higher Education 2015, nr 70. ; Płotka-Wasylka J., W. Chajęcka-Wierzchowska, Sposób na mobilność, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 10. ; Szapiro T., Czy RDN przełamie złą passę?, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 11. ; Tadeusiewicz R., Karta Bolońska i Proces Boloński, "Kraków. Miesięcznik Społeczno-Kulturalny" 2005, czerwiec–lipiec, nr 6–7 (8–9). ; Thieme J.K., Szkolnictwo wyższe. Wyzwania XXI wieku. Polska, Europa, USA, Warszawa 2009. ; Wiśniewska S., Zatrudnialność: pojęcie, wymiary, determinanty, "Edukacja Ekonomistów i Menedżerów: problemy, innowacje, projekty" 2015, nr 1 (35). ; Worosz A., Trzecia misja, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 10. ; Wypych-Gawrońska A., Reforma to konsolidacja, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 7–8. ; Żylicz M., Przewodniczący punktuje środowisko, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 7–8. ; 25 ; 4 ; 159 ; 171

This text aims to present the thoughts of Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari in the context of the relationship between the state, capitalism, and machines. Due to the multiplicity and rhizomatics that characterize the works of both French philosophers, the author also outlines the basic concepts important from the point of view of the discussed problem, such as abstract machines, devices, segmentation, deterritorialization, coding, axiomatics, rhizoma, micropolitics, and macropolitics. The perspective proposed in the works of Deleuze and Guattari escapes the well-known patterns of analysis in social sciences, which makes them an interesting look at the relationship between the state and capitalism.

The subject of these reflections on the contemporary international relations is, on the one hand, sovereignty and, on the other, international security, and the analysis of the relationship between the system of collective security and the sovereignty of states in the context of sustainable peace and stability in the world. States have traditionally been tied to the idea of sovereignty. However, among the most characteristic features of the international relations of our time is the growing number of various types of threats originating in states (e.g. Iran, North Korea), in organisations or other entities (e.g. al-Qaeda). Security and sovereignty are two basic concepts most commonly discussed in literature and international legal doctrine. There are two reasons for that: (i) firstly, the main actors in international relations are states which are sovereign entities and the relations or cooperation between them is based on respect for the principle of that sovereignty, and (ii) secondly, the issue of safety is a key issue and a prerequisite for the performance of fully sovereign rights of these countries, necessary to ensure international cooperation and socio-economic development. This paper discusses the need to institutionalise legitimate use of force in global organisations as well as in their regional structures, and to rapidly and effectively manage situations and conflicts intercept to international peace and security. It also draws special attention to the role and place of international organisations in the maintenance of international peace and security both, at universal, and regional level. ; Przedmiotem niniejszych rozważań, dotyczących współczesnych stosunków międzynarodowych są z jednej strony suwerenność, a z drugiej – bezpieczeństwo międzynarodowe oraz analiza związku pomiędzy systemem bezpieczeństwa zbiorowego a suwerennością państw w kontekście utrzymania trwałego pokoju i stabilności na świecie. Państwa są tradycyjnie przywiązane do idei suwerenności, jednakże do najbardziej charakterystycznych cech stosunków międzynarodowych naszych czasów należy narastanie różnego rodzaju zagrożenia, zarówno ze strony państwa (np. Iran, Korea Północna), jak i ze strony innych podmiotów (np. Al-Kaida). Bezpieczeństwo i suwerenność to dwa podstawowe pojęcia w literaturze i doktrynie prawnomiędzynarodowej. Dzieje się tak z dwóch powodów: po pierwsze – głównymi aktorami w stosunkach międzynarodowych są państwa, będące suwerennymi podmiotami, a stosunki czy też współpraca między nimi oparte są w zasadzie na poszanowaniu owej suwerenności; po drugie – kwestia bezpieczeństwa jest podstawowym zagadnieniem i warunkiem niezbędnym do wykonywania w pełni suwerennych praw tychże państw oraz zapewnienia współpracy międzynarodowej i rozwoju społeczno-gospodarczego. W artykule tym poruszono również problem konieczności instytucjonalizacji legalnego użycia siły, zarówno w organizacjach ogólnoświatowych, jak i na gruncie struktur regionalnych organizacji międzynarodowych, aby szybko i skutecznie zarządzać sytuacjami i konfliktami zagrażającymi pokojowi i bezpieczeństwu międzynarodowemu. W artykule zwrócono również szczególną uwagę na rolę i miejsce organizacji międzynarodowych w procesie utrzymania pokoju i bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego, zarówno na poziomie ogólnoświatowym, jak i regionalnym.

The problem of the article concerns the development of education services at a higher level. In the first part the author discusses the basic models of higher education institutions in the US and Europe, noting the role of the market, government and academic environment. In the second part the author analyses the influence of contemporary economic, market and society conditions on the model of education at a higher level in Poland at the turn of the 20th century. Considerations are conducted on the basis of national and foreign literature sources, available reports and statistical publications. The last part contains reflections on the future of the higher education sector in Poland. ; Artykuł nie posiada streszczenia w języku polskim.

On July 9, 2021, the Republic of South Sudan celebrate the 10th anniversary of its independence. This study is an analysis of the functioning of South Sudan as a fullfledged member of the international community. We also analyzed the mistakes made by the government of this young country over the years of its independence and found out what consequences they led.