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The dramatic growth in parochial schools has intensified the need for liberals to rethink arguments about civic education & diversity. Although parochial schools should not be publicly funded, it is contended that diversity should be extended by including students from parochial schools/home schools in the curriculum of public schools, & providing religious students alternative assignments/texts when requested. It is argued that allowing for separate schools while also encouraging parents to send their children to public schools on either a full- or part-time basis is the best way to enhance liberal citizenship. The lack of diversity in many separate schools is discussed, along with some benefits of moderate parochial schools; the threat to liberal values posed by religious schools that do not emphasize critical thinking or mutual respect for all; & reasons public financing should not be extended to parochial schools. Other issues addressed include strategies for cooperation between public & parochial schools; the treatment of religion in multicultural public schools; & difficulties related to the accommodation of religious beliefs in public institutions. J. Lindroth

When examining the relationship between globalization & politics, three steps must be taken. First, a clear definition & analysis of globalization must be presented. Second, the relationship between global trends, politics, & governance must be considered by investigating the power relationship between states & international organizations; examining institutional reforms; considering the promotion of the liberal state; & examining international-level institutional developments. Finally, it is essential to look at power within the globalization process itself. When each of these elements is considered, it becomes evident that drastic transformations in the realm of governance & power have not necessarily taken place as a result of globalization. Indeed, it can be argued that globalization processes represent merely a political evolution rather than a revolution. Meanwhile, it must be recognized that the process of globalization is far from complete. K. A. Larsen

An examination of the life, teachings, & legacy of Tsunesaburo Makiguchi, a Japanese educational reformer & founder of the Soka Gakkai Buddhist movement, who promoted more holistic approaches to the learning process. The meaning of "value-creating education" is discussed, along with Makiguchi's struggle against the dominant voices of the time, in an attempt to find more humane ways to teach young people. His philosophy was rooted in traditional wisdom & a sense of place, & centered on education as a means to nurture self-discovery, a sense of purpose, appreciation for work, & a love of life. Makiguchi's legacy for the 21st century highlights the need for community; the imperative that humans understand & care for the earth; & the value of character-nurturing education. Intimate ties with the earth, & feelings of responsibility toward it, were basic to Makiguchi's conceptions because he feared a global environmental crisis resulting from the disappearance of inhabitants rooted in communities & appreciative of their habitat. He believed education was meant to encourage students to become "joyful, self-directing, self-actualizing, socially conscious members of society.". J. Lindroth

Analyzes the relative positions of managers & bankers in the postsocialist Hungarian economic elite in light of competing theses about managerial rule & bank hegemony in capitalist economies. Privileged & dominant positions in the economic elite are distinguished, drawing on 1990 & 1993 survey data. Socioeconomic indicators are elucidated, along with the career trajectories of economic elite from pre- to posttransition. Banker & manager career patterns differed markedly in terms of workplace career & multiple position holding, as well as Hungarian Workers Party (HSWP) membership under state socialism. While managers rose to subelite positions quicker than bankers, the latter ascended more quickly from subelite to elite positions. Manager career-related contacts were mostly in professional organizations & in the HSWP, whereas bankers were more frequently connected to external board & advisory positions. Banker & manager opinions on the control & speed of privatization are compared, finding that a key factor behind attitudinal differences was one's position in the elite. It is concluded that there is not much support for the idea that large enterprise managers played a decisive role in postsocialist conditions, but not all evidence points to the hegemonic positioning of bankers; segments of the economic elite are still competing for primacy. 3 Tables, 25 References. J. Zendejas

Analyzes the relative positions of managers & bankers in the postsocialist Hungarian economic elite in light of competing theses about managerial rule & bank hegemony in capitalist economies. Privileged & dominant positions in the economic elite are distinguished, drawing on 1990 & 1993 survey data. Socioeconomic indicators are elucidated, along with the career trajectories of economic elite from pre- to posttransition. Banker & manager career patterns differed markedly in terms of workplace career & multiple position holding, as well as Hungarian Workers Party (HSWP) membership under state socialism. While managers rose to subelite positions quicker than bankers, the latter ascended more quickly from subelite to elite positions. Manager career-related contacts were mostly in professional organizations & in the HSWP, whereas bankers were more frequently connected to external board & advisory positions. Banker & manager opinions on the control & speed of privatization are compared, finding that a key factor behind attitudinal differences was one's position in the elite. It is concluded that there is not much support for the idea that large enterprise managers played a decisive role in postsocialist conditions, but not all evidence points to the hegemonic positioning of bankers; segments of the economic elite are still competing for primacy. 3 Tables, 25 References. J. Zendejas

Argues that the progress of Iran's working-class movement is directly connected to the movement for democracy & social change. The failure of workers to achieve their goals results from repression by successive 20th-century governments, weaknesses within the working class itself, & the nature of Iran's capitalist development/industrialization. Although removing political obstacles is the main task facing trade unions/labor organizations, this cannot be accomplished without gaining other democratic advances, especially the freedom of expression & association needed for the Left intelligentsia & the worker's movement to communicate effectively with each other & develop political links. The evolution of the working-class movement in Iran is traced from formation of the first Social Democratic Party in 1903. The configuration of today's working population is described, along with the Left's historical support of the working class's struggle for change, & control mechanisms used by the Islamic government. Future prospects for increased citizen engagement in political processes & the working class's ability to represent its interests are discussed. 3 Tables, 1 Appendix. J. Lindroth

Argues that the progress of Iran's working-class movement is directly connected to the movement for democracy & social change. The failure of workers to achieve their goals results from repression by successive 20th-century governments, weaknesses within the working class itself, & the nature of Iran's capitalist development/industrialization. Although removing political obstacles is the main task facing trade unions/labor organizations, this cannot be accomplished without gaining other democratic advances, especially the freedom of expression & association needed for the Left intelligentsia & the worker's movement to communicate effectively with each other & develop political links. The evolution of the working-class movement in Iran is traced from formation of the first Social Democratic Party in 1903. The configuration of today's working population is described, along with the Left's historical support of the working class's struggle for change, & control mechanisms used by the Islamic government. Future prospects for increased citizen engagement in political processes & the working class's ability to represent its interests are discussed. 3 Tables, 1 Appendix. J. Lindroth

A crossnational analysis of intergroup stereotypes in five former Soviet states focuses on the attribution of goals to outgroups. The literature is reviewed & the significance of "fifth column" attributions is discussed. It was hypothesized that fifth column attributions reinforce negative stereotypes of Russians but the effect only occurs in relation to outgroup, not ingroup, goals. The effect was expected to be stronger in countries with recent histories of violent conflict between groups. Data were collected in 1995 from surveys completed by a total of 1,200 Russian nationals & 1,200 indigenous nationals from randomly selected cities in Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Kazakhstan, & Georgia. Predictors of negative stereotypes highlighted income, occupation, education, age, gender, language competence, ethnicity, & civic identification. The results of simple slope analysis & a test of effects across countries using a general linear model showed the impact of fifth column attributions most strongly reinforced negative stereotypes of Russians in Georgia & Moldova, where recent military conflicts have occurred. The outcome of the second hypothesis was contradictory. The implications are discussed. 3 Tables, 2 Figures, 25 References. J. Lindroth

The implications of the historical conflict between Turkey & Greece & the US's foreign policies toward both nations for future Turkish-American relations are considered. An overview of US foreign policy toward Turkey & Greece reveals the US's interest in improving relations with both nations & notes the constraints that hinder relations-building processes. Two principal points of contention between Turkey & Greece are identified: (1) each nation's claim over the island of Cyprus & the tensions that have developed from these competing claims; & (2) questions concerning airspace rights over the Aegean Sea. Although military conflicts between Turkey & Greece have been minimal during the late 20th century, each country nonetheless perceives the other as a national security threat. Moreover, several historical & present-day developments that could escalate the conflict are identified. After detailing the failure of previous Turkish-Greek negotiations, it is claimed that the mutual compassion & goodwill following both nations' experience of devastating earthquakes in 1999 & the EU's consideration of Turkey as a candidate for membership have reduced interstate hostilities. It is concluded that the US & the EU should collaborate to resolve the Turkish-Greek conflict concerning Cyprus to enhance relations with both Turkey & Greece. J. W. Parker

Contributions in this volume explore how the transformation of modern societies into knowledge societies impacts political systems, particularly the nature of governance & the ability of the state apparatus to govern. Drawing together an international collection of scholars representing political science, sociology, philosophy, & economics, each chapter evaluates the efficacy of the state against the political objectives of government itself. Three aspects of the politics of modern knowledge societies are focal points: (1) the larger social & economic conditions to which a political system must respond, (2) the extent to which knowledge has become an integral dimension of politics & how political actors define & understand reality, & (3) emergent changes in world views & the meaning of citizenship in democratic society. Theses regarding the "ungovernability" of the modern state are evaluated, considering arguments about the decline of nation-state autonomy, the "economization" of society, the relationship of knowledge to social solidarity, the "crisis" of capitalism, shifting values & a decline in public trust & political participation, & the impact of globalization. Implications for the future, especially in terms of prospects for social democracy, are considered. 50 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Contributions in this volume explore how the transformation of modern societies into knowledge societies impacts political systems, particularly the nature of governance & the ability of the state apparatus to govern. Drawing together an international collection of scholars representing political science, sociology, philosophy, & economics, each chapter evaluates the efficacy of the state against the political objectives of government itself. Three aspects of the politics of modern knowledge societies are focal points: (1) the larger social & economic conditions to which a political system must respond, (2) the extent to which knowledge has become an integral dimension of politics & how political actors define & understand reality, & (3) emergent changes in world views & the meaning of citizenship in democratic society. Theses regarding the "ungovernability" of the modern state are evaluated, considering arguments about the decline of nation-state autonomy, the "economization" of society, the relationship of knowledge to social solidarity, the "crisis" of capitalism, shifting values & a decline in public trust & political participation, & the impact of globalization. Implications for the future, especially in terms of prospects for social democracy, are considered. 50 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

The attitudes of Turkey's political officials, military leaders, & business community toward the US are explored. An overview of former Turkish President Turgut Ozal's attitude toward the US, especially toward the Bush administration, shows that the US was perceived as unreliable & indifferent to Turkish concerns. Turkey's historical embrace of French Jacobin thought & rejection of Anglo-Saxon liberalism is discussed. Several factors responsible for the proliferation of anti-American sentiment among the Turkish public during the 1960s are examined. Although the nation's military established relations with the US to address regional security concerns, it is claimed that the US's intervention in Cyprus during the 1970s & actions during the Persian Gulf War contributed to the Turkish military's mistrust of the US. However, it is maintained that Turkey's diplomatic & business communities have pursued the establishment of strong ties with the US. The implications of former President Clinton's 1999 visit to Turkey, the nation's further incorporation of economic liberalization policies, & the emergence of a Turkish Muslim generation for enhancing Turkey-US relations are contemplated. J. W. Parker

An exploration of cases in which multicultural accommodation allows the systematic maltreatment of individuals within a particular religious/cultural group argues that the intragroup oppression of women must not be accepted as an unavoidable consequence of tolerating cultural differences in a liberal society. The greater vulnerability of women than men in minority groups is discussed in relation to the demarcating & distributive functions of family law. Two current approaches to family law are described as "secular absolutist" & "religious particularist" models. An assessment of each approach's division of legal authority indicates that neither model provides a satisfactory balance between cultural preservation through family law accommodation & the protection of women's rights. An alternative multicultural approach to family law accommodation is suggested. This "joint-governance" model honors identity preservation while simultaneously seeking to provide women living in nomoi groups with the legal protections guaranteed to all citizens. Instead of forcing women to make a difficult choice, it provides women with the leverage to renegotiate oppressive family law traditions from within their cultural communities. J. Lindroth

During the apartheid era, the South African state committed systematic violence against the institution of the family among Africans. Consequently, many South Africans have experienced a dramatic gap between the ideals & the reality of family life. The author discusses individual experiences of South African family life in the context of political upheaval, state oppression, & economic manipulation. She focuses on the experiences of youthful political activists who participated in the revolt against the apartheid regime. She finds that apartheid seriously disrupted their family ties & undermined their security during the first 20 years of their lives. 1 Table, 27 References. A. Funderburg

The issue of how globalization processes contribute to social inequality is studied; in addition, the emergence of political resistance to globalization processes is examined. An overview of how economic, cultural, & environmental forms of globalization foster social inequality is presented. It is contended that traditional liberal thought has emphasized the role of the nation-state in resolving social inequality. However, it is claimed that the aforementioned forms of globalization illustrate the nation-state's inability to properly intervene. In addition, the popular assertion that social inequality is best treated by raising political discussion & mobilization from a national to a global level is rejected. Moreover, it is demonstrated that such escalation permits the resurgence of localist social & political movements. Although the willingness of global & local movements to serve the interests of egalitarianism is questioned, it is concluded that democratic & social justice movements must be negotiated within this matrix of global & local processes. 43 References. J. W. Parker