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Cover -- Endorsements -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of Illustrations -- Acknowledgments -- List of Contributors -- 1. Introductory Study: A Comparative Analysis of Educational Reforms in Latin America -- 2. From "Spray and Pray" to "Reform without Spray": The Two Stages of Education Policy in Argentina -- 3. From Structural Reforms to Controversial Changes: The Education Policy Landscape in Brazil -- 4. Educational Policies in Chile: Between the State, the Market and Accountability based on Academic Achievement Tests -- 5. From Political Intentions to Structural Interventions: A Review of Two Decades of Education Policy Reforms in Colombia -- 6. The Educational Policy Agenda in Mexico (2000-2020): A Time of Continuities and Political Shocks -- 7. The Slow Development Process of Educational Policies in Peru -- 8. The Changing Spatial Dynamics of Education Policy in Latin America -- Index.

The author believes that since its inception three decades ago, the Fulbright programme in Latin America has aided individual students and Latin American educational institutions alike. This programme has helped to introduce and promote such US concepts as university-based research and decentralized higher education in Latin America. Competition from European and Soviet exchange programmes for the Fulbright programme is pointed out

Since its inception three decades ago, the Fulbright program in Latin America has aided individual students and Latin American educational institutions alike. The binational Fulbright commissions that select participants have earned a reputation for autonomy and fairness and have encouraged innovative programs such as cost sharing, state-of-the-art seminars, and flexible tenure provisions for U.S. scholars teaching in Latin America. As the U.S. and Latin American university systems have increasingly converged, Fulbright has also helped to introduce and promote such U.S. concepts as university-based research and decentralized higher education, as well as Latin American university commitment to social outreach. Yet some problems remain. These include competition from European and Soviet exchange programs, inadequate contact among Fulbright scholars now in the United States, and failure to maintain contact with Fulbright alumni once they have returned home. Further institution building in the Latin American educational sector also deserves greater support. The existing binational commissions provide an excellent model for the cooperation needed to address these problems, and they underscore the important role that Fulbright can continue to play in Latin America.

Since its inception three decades ago, the Fulbright international educational exchange program in Latin America has aided individual students & Latin American educational institutions alike. The binational Fulbright commissions that select participants have earned a reputation for autonomy & fairness & have encouraged innovative programs such as cost sharing, state-of-the-art seminars, & flexible tenure provisions for US scholars teaching in Latin America. As the US & Latin American U systems have increasingly converged, Fulbright has also helped to introduce & promote such US concepts as U-based research & decentralized higher education, as well as Latin American U commitment to social outreach. Yet some problems remain. These include competition from European & Soviet exchange programs, inadequate contact among Fulbright scholars now in the US, & failure to maintain contact with Fulbright alumni once they have returned home. Further institution building in the Latin American educational sector also deserves greater support. The existing binational commissions provide an excellent model for the cooperation needed to address these problems, & they underscore the important role that Fulbright can continue to play in Latin America. HA

Latin Amer att's toward democracy differ from those in the US; they put more emphasis on soc & econ equalitarianism. Nonetheless, it is important to try to measure how democracy in Latin America (as seen by informed persons) changes. This survey is the 5th quinquennial analysis in a series dating back to 1945. It was based on evaluations by 50 specialists giving ratings on 15 criteria, constituting 'components of democracy,' for each of the 20 Latin Amer states. Data were analyzed by computer. The analysis provides rankings by states for each survey, as well as by criteria, presented both tabularly & graphically. The tendency of R's to spread or concentrate their evaluations is examined. R's among the criteria are analyzed. The self-assessed 'familiarity level' of R's with both states & criteria is studied. A comparison between subjective evaluations, used as the basis of this analysis, & objective evaluations drawn from 'census type' data is made. Consensus of the specialists is that Uruguay, Costa Rica, & Chile (in that order) are the most democratic Latin Amer states, & Haiti, Paraguay & Cuba (in that order) the least democratic. IPSA.