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by Lee Lap-fung, Francis. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1999. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 187-197). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese; questionnaire in Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- The background of the 1998 election --- p.10 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Approaches to election and media effects studies --- p.20 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Activating informed participation - a conceptual model for empirical evaluation --- p.33 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Design and methods --- p.47 ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- "News consumption, knowledge and sophistication" --- p.51 ; Chapter Chapter 7 --- Media and political attitudes --- p.65 ; Chapter Chapter 8 --- Voter turnout --- p.100 ; Chapter Chapter 9 --- The pitfalls of media strategic coverage: How media fall short from activating informed participation --- p.120 ; Chapter Chapter 10 --- Conclusion: Mass media and political participation in Hong Kong --- p.147 ; Appendix A Variable constructions and statistical procedures --- p.159 ; Appendix B Questionnaires and basic information about the data --- p.165 ; "Appendix C Electoral system,vote calculating method, and candidate lists" --- p.180 ; Reference --- p.187

Cheng Ying-shuet. ; Thesis submitted in: November 2003. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves [199]-[201]). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.1 ; Acknowledgement --- p.ii ; Note for Transliteration --- p.ii ; Chapter Chapter 1 - --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Background of the Research --- p.1 ; Review of Literature --- p.11 ; Purposes of the Research --- p.18 ; The Field Sites --- p.23 ; Methodology --- p.26 ; Figures 1.1-110 --- p.34 ; Chapter Chapter 2 - --- The Lease of the New Territories --- p.42 ; The Establishment of the Heung Yee Kuk --- p.44 ; Map 21 --- p.50 ; Figures 21 --- p.51 ; Chapter Chapter 3 - --- Backgrounds of Po Toi 0 and Ping Shan --- p.52 ; Po Toi O Village in Sai Kung --- p.53 ; Chapter (A) --- Social Setting --- p.53 ; Chapter (B) --- Political Setting --- p.58 ; Ping Shan in Yuen Long --- p.64 ; Chapter (A) --- Social Setting --- p.65 ; Chapter (B) --- Political Setting --- p.67 ; Figures 3.1 -36 --- p.81 ; Map 31 --- p.86 ; Chapter Chapter 4 - --- The Composition of Villages and Its Members --- p.87 ; The Situation in Po Toi O Village in Sai Kung --- p.89 ; Chapter (A) --- Marriage Between Indigenous and Non-indigenous Villagers --- p.92 ; Chapter (B) --- Economic Benefits Tying Up Villagers --- p.98 ; Chapter (C) --- Cultural Activities Banging Villagers Together --- p.106 ; The Situation of Ping Shan in Yuen Long --- p.114 ; Chapter (A) --- "Indigenous Identity Separating ""Insiders"" and ""Outsiders""" --- p.115 ; Chapter (B) --- Solidarity in Ancestor Worship --- p.122 ; Po Toi O and Ping Shan As Communities without Visible Boundary --- p.127 ; Chapter Chapter 5 - --- "The Interpretations of ""Traditional Rights´ح" --- p.131 ; Rural Affairs in the New Territories --- p.132 ; Chapter (A) --- Rural Committees and Village Representative System --- p.134 ; The Contradicting Roles of Village Representatives --- p.143 ; Chapter (A) --- The Conflicts in Po Toi O Village of Sai Kung --- p.144 ; Chapter (B) ...

Studies of second-order elections using aggregate data have predominantly focused on examining the extent to which European parliament elections and regional elections are dominated by the national, first-order arena, and paid scarce attention to the analysis of municipal elections. In addition the study of second-order elections is dominated by looking at the impact of first-order factors whilst ignoring the impact of arena-specific factors. This article addresses these shortcomings by analyzing the impact of national and local factors on the performance of national parties in the Dutch municipal elections of 2010. Our analysis shows that there are significant effects of local factors. Most parties lose votes when having been in local government and in some cases as well when having in addition lost an alderman as a result of a political crisis. Parties also lose vote share as a result of the entrance of new national and local parties in a local election, with the effect of new national entrants being larger than that of new local entrants. Our analysis corroborates earlier findings that point to a dominance of national factors, while at the same time showing that it is vital to include local, arena specific factors in order to get to a better estimation of the second-orderness of non-national elections. We discuss our results with respect to the recurring debate about the nationalisation of the Dutch municipal elections. Adapted from the source document.

So Ming Hang. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 218-227). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Acknowledgements --- p.v ; Content --- p.vii ; List of Table and figures --- p.xi ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction: the dilemma of RTHK and research questions --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Significance of the study: importance of the mass media and RTHK in the political process in Hong Kong --- p.4 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Significance of the study: practical policy concerns for RTHK --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.3.1 --- The unstable financial situation of the public broadcasters around the world --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.3.2 --- "The political context of Hong Kong, which RTHK is situated" --- p.12 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Research questions --- p.22 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review: The normative role of public broadcaster and their performance in actual practice compared with commercial broadcaster --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Public vs Private --- p.26 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Theoretical defense for the public broadcasting: Market failure in broadcasting --- p.27 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Spectrum scarcity and failure of competition --- p.27 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- """Public goods"" nature of broadcasting" --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- Externality of the broadcasting as a media --- p.29 ; Chapter 2.3.4 --- The incapacity of the audience --- p.34 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Spectrum scarcity: Weakening rationale --- p.35 ; Chapter 2.5 --- "Market Solution for the ""public goods"" failure: Advertising" --- p.36 ; Chapter 2.6 --- Empirical studies: The public broadcasters may not be very different --- p.39 ; Chapter 2.6.1 --- Information source/news source/guest --- p.39 ; Chapter 2.6.2 --- Topics/Agenda --- p.42 ; Chapter 2.6.3 --- Frames/Themes/Angle --- p.43 ; Chapter 2.6.4 --- Other studies --- p.44 ; Chapter 2.7 --- Theoretical explanation for the quite similar phenomenon between the public and ...

Questions re whether politicians make deductions re the formal pol'al power constellation on the nat'l level from the approach or results of municipal elections are raised. Data from the elections in Belgium over the past 100 yrs are examined in this context. The elections of 1921, 1926, 1938, & 1958 had no influence on the nat'l power constellation. Since WWI not a single municipal election has led to changes within the nat'l gov. It is traditional in Belgian pol that the nat'l opposition, when the results of municipal elections are in its favor & prejudicial to the party in office (as in 1946, 1952, & 1964), tries to question the legitimacy of the gov by way of motions & appeals in parliament. Gov's have never given in to these attempts. The elections of 1857, 1884, & 1932 show an element of power in the dissolution of the then gov's. The gov'al crisis of 1884, however, can only be explained through the constitutional position of King Leopold II. The municipal elections of 1932 anticipated the legislative elections of that yr & served as an indicator of the electoral condition. But in view of the diff between nat'l & local positions, it was an unreliable indicator. Modified HA.

An analysis of the Belgium elections of 2007, stating that winning or losing has more to do with the year of comparison than the actual numbers and percentages. The elections for Chamber and Senate were kept separate from regional elections (2006 city council and county council; 2004 European and regional elections). An analysis too of the somewhat peculiar subsequent follow-up on the elections, with an unprecedented long formation-period, and equally unprecedented disputes between Flemish and French-speaking Belgians. Tables, References. O. van Zijl

A study of the relation between the nature of municipal elections in Belgium & the degree of Ur'ization of municipalities. 5 categories of electoral patterns are discerned: elections without competition; totally local; predominantly local; mixed; predominantly nat'l. Operationalizations of Ur'ization in Belgium from previous res are used. A positive r is found between growing Ur'ization & a shift from local to predominantly nat'l electoral pattern. This does not mean that the predominantly nat'l electoral pattern is found exclusively in the highest category of Ur'ization, nor that the exclusively local electoral figure & elections without competition occur only in Ru regions. But it is a fact that the gravity center of the more nat'l electoral patterns lies in the Ur'ized municipalities & towns, whereas the gravity center of local electoral patterns lies in Ru municipalities. Findings support the hyp of the "tenuous zone," formulated by S. Groenman (see SA A1165). 2 Graphs, 1 Table. Modified HA.

Together with the city council elections, the citizens of Antwerp elected on 8 October 2006 for the second time their district councils. This new decentralized political level is primarily initiated to restore the confidence of the citizens in the city (and district) government(s). By analyzing the results of the city & the district elections we try to find indications whether citizens feel closer to their new district governments or not. Firstly district elections resulted definitely not in less blank votes. Secondly, the number of list votes is higher on the district elections than on the city elections, while we would have expected a higher number of preferential votes. Thirdly, we see that the differences between the electoral results of the city elections & the district elections are becoming more pronounced. Although this last result seems to support the legitimacy of the decentralized district they merely reflect changes in the logic of the city elections. Mainly as a result of media coverage the city elections were direct elections of the mayor. Therefore voters used the district elections to vote for their preferred political party. This was not always possible at city level, because some parties did not have an eligible candidate for mayor. Generally spoken, we can conclude that the district elections do not give much proof of a closer connection between the citizens & the city government. Tables, Appendixes. Adapted from the source document.

A series of 11 polls on samples of the Belgian electorate was held between the elections of Mar, 1968, & Nov, 1971. 2 questions were asked, one on past voting behavior & one on voting intentions. Although each survey was held on a completely renewed sample, the most striking result is the stability of the party preference of the Belgian voter. Little relationship is found between pol'al events & changes in voting intentions. On the basis of the results the hyp is formulated that, in periods without crises, the majority of electors are influenced by a global pol'al atmosphere rather than by separate events. Perceptible changes in party preference only occur after a series of "coherent" events, of which the effect is cumulative. A secondary result of the analysis is the description of some systematic patterns of switching in party preference. AA.