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Professors and octopuses have one thing in common: They both know how to use ink in order to produce clouds that hide the truth from those not supposed to see it. German professors in particular made ample use of this technique when they were required by law to implement the so-called Bolognareform, a wide-ranging overhaul of most elements of teaching 'as they knew it'. As quickly became evident, the hitch with Bologna is this: If taken seriously, it cannot but devalue essential investments, intellectual as well as habitual, individual as well as institutional, that have 'framed' the professorial way of life. Hence this new policy was considered an unreasonable demand and an intolerable intrusion. Almost everyone felt victimized, pondered inner emigration or even open resistance, and invented nobler causes for this than his own comfort. The reformers were in a position to enforce compliance with the letter, if not the spirit, of the law. In return, their opponents did what was in their power -- while adhering to the letter -- to kill its spirit. Adapted from the source document.

This article examines the impact of European integration on national policy in the field of migration. Member States have since the entry into force of the Treaty of Amsterdam (1999) power over immigration policy largely ceded to supranational institutions. The Governments of the Member States do not seem to give full account of this new situation. The same applies to the academic literature on the Europeanisation of migration policy which - still dominates the intergovernmental perspective - unlike in the wider EU study literature. This article focuses on the impact of the Family Reunification Directive of 2003 on policymaking in the Netherlands. And politics The Dutch case shows that the reality of migration policies in the EU are increasingly in conflict with intergovernmental assumptions and that it is high time that researchers of migration broaden their theoretical perspective. Adapted from the source document.

The present article was part of the conference Belgium and its foreign policy of November 2006, organized by the University of Gent and Catholic University Leuven. It presents an evaluation of the Belgian 2006 Presidency of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). A main objective has been to play an active role regarding the institutional reforms. Achieved were: increased efficacy of the organization, and a renewed confidence in communication between eastern- and western-member states (dividing line, Vienna); strengthening of the economic and ecological dimension, with as focus transport (achieved: increased cooperation between member states, special attention for land-locked countries, and transport-related security issues such ash illegal migration, human traffic, drug traffic, and terrorism); fight against international crime and promotion of the rule of law as central topic of the chairmanship (achieved: increased cooperation between member states); a constructive contribution to solving frozen conflicts (achieved: theoretical improvements). Concerning the human dimension of the OSCE: activities concerning access to legal advice, democratization, mediums freedom, trafficking of human beings, tolerance (the Danish cartoon crisis), and increased access of NGOs to OCSE meetings. References. O. van Zijl

This is a next, annual installment in a series, published regularly since 1978, of overviews of Belgian politics in a given year. This 2004 overview discusses the main topics & issues that preoccupied the government of Guy Verhofstadt, formed in a three-party coalition -- Vlaamse Liberalen en Democraten ([VLD] Flemish Liberals and Democrats), Socialistische Partij Anders ([SP.A] Socialist Party Differently), & Sociaal, Progressief, Internationaal, Regionalistisch, Integraal-democratisch en Toekomstgericht ([Spirit]Social, Progressive, International, Regional, Integral-Democratic, and Future Justice) -- following the national election in May 2003: (1) immigrants' voting rights, (2) the controversy over Zaventem airport expansion requested by the German shipping company DHL, (3) redistricting/splitting of the Brussels-Halle-Vilvoorde electoral district, (4) unemployment compensation, family policy, tax restructuring, & other social & fiscal issues pertaining to the 2005 budget, (5) environmental policy, (6) the implications of the regional & EU elections of 13 June 2004, (7) public safety & defense matters, (8) regional government/jurisdiction & civil service reforms & other matters of home policy, & (9) internal party politics. Z. Dubiel

This article explores whether the development of a common European asylum policy, & the construction of a directive on minimum standards for the granting of refugee status, is dominated by a security discourse. In such a security discourse, asylum is considered a cross-border threat to the realization of the internal market & the internal stability of Member States. While the social construction of asylum as a problem puts pressure on the traditional humanitarian framework on which international refugee protection is being based. The tension between these two approaches seems to result in a restrictive European common asylum policy, with a focus on control & prevention of migration into the EU. In this article, we analyse the tensions between the security & the humanitarian discourse in primary & secondary sources, using the model of Laclau & Mouffe. We conclude that while creating a common asylum policy, a securitization process is present. Tables. Adapted from the source document.

In spite of an approval of the financial perspectives 2007-2013 and the economic boom of the euro zone, "crisis" has not left the EU. It is installed in the institutions, but also and especially it has infected the spirits of European citizens. An article that treats the pros, cons and influences of the EU enlargement from 15 to 25 states, discussing the attitudes of single member states regarding for example immigration, the treatment of files and common questions, pluralistic votes that render difficult processes now that the Rhine-model (a BENELUX and Franco-German alliance) no longer has the upper hand. Furthermore is discussed European Parliament and Justice Court, both influenced in their functioning by the enlargement of the EU. Belgium's future role lies in seeking alliances with same-spirited member states, and to fill in the EU's delivery-gap regarding citizen demands for more justice, freedom and security, and a more uniform Europe as regards energy and foreign policy. References. O. van Zijl