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Questo lavoro si propone di dare una prospettiva storica alla "BrexLit", nata in risposta al risultato del Referendum del 23 Giugno 2016. Le ragioni per il voto a favore dell'uscita dall'Unione Europea sono, nell'immediato, economiche e politiche, ma la Brexit è un fenomeno soprattutto culturale, nei suoi effetti come nelle sue origini. Prendendo le mosse dalla teoria del discorso di Michel Foucault, si considera quindi l'intreccio di potere, conoscenza e verità nella delineazione di una nazione e nella diffusione del nazionalismo. Con questa lente, si ripercorre lo sviluppo del nazionalismo inglese, come analizzato da Krishan Kumar (2003): sviluppatosi in modo più esplicito solo dopo la dissoluzione dell'Impero, la Seconda Guerra Mondiale e la devoluzione dei poteri ai parlamenti di Scozia e Irlanda, esso ha contribuito alla separazione tra un'identità culturale esclusivamente inglese e il ruolo puramente istituzionale dell'Unione. Rappresentata nelle manifestazioni pubbliche e nel discorso politico da una serie di richiami culturali derivati dal passato, l'Inghilterra emerge come una nazione cristallizzata nel mito, che la rende presente a livello pubblico, ma che oscura la vita quotidiana dei cittadini inglesi. Questo è evidente in una selezione di opere letterarie che vanno da un racconto breve di D.H. Lawrence ai romanzi che si possono inserire nella corrente della "BrexLit": tutte prendono in esame l'immagine della nazione proposta a livello pubblico in momenti di crisi e ridefinizione nazionale. Una chiave di lettura delle opere è fornita dal saggio "Encyclopedic Narrative" di Edward Mendelson (1976), nel quale l'autore delinea il genere della letteratura enciclopedica: tali opere si propongono di riassumere e allo stesso tempo contestare la cultura della propria nazione. Inoltre, fondamentale è la nozione di "eterotopia", descritta per la prima volta da Foucault nel 1966 in Le parole e le cose. Nella sua forma letteraria, l'eterotopia viene intesa come una rappresentazione che tradisce la propria natura di costrutto e di illusione, opponendosi alla struttura classificatoria tipica delle liste grazie alla propria struttura microcosmica. È questo il filo conduttore delle opere prese in esame nelle sezioni seguenti, da quelle moderniste fino ad arrivare ai romanzi pubblicati dopo il Referendum, che vengono intesi come sintomo del bisogno di un'identità specificatamente inglese. Perciò, si può inquadrare la BrexLit come l'ultima fase di un percorso iniziato molto prima. Annunciata, pubblicata e riconosciuta con rapidità, la BrexLit stessa ha una dimensione immediata nella sua risposta alla contemporaneità. Ma, come dimostra questo studio, il rapporto tra l'Inghilterra nella sua dimensione mitica ed enciclopedica e quella reale è stato riflesso nella letteratura in modo costante in momenti analoghi di crisi di identità nazionale. Leggere opere di natura enciclopedica attraverso la lente dell'eterotopia permette di interpretare queste rappresentazioni letterarie come un'opposizione ai meccanismi più rigidi del nazionalismo: al centro della cultura e dell'identità di una nazione si trova qualcosa di ambiguo che non può essere definito o delimitato.

L'articolo ha per oggetto un aspetto del pensiero politico di David Hume di estremo interesse, sebbene non sufficientemente affrontato dalla critica italiana: la concezione humeana della Storia come fenomeno culturale, che trova la massima espressione nell'opera The History of England. L'autrice si avvale, da una parte, del confronto critico e filologico di quest'opera con la precedente tradizione di studi antiquari sei-settecenteschi, per verificare i nessi e gli esiti dell'operazione intellettuale di Hume in ambito storico-politico. Dall'altra, l'articolo offre una breve, ma significativa e aggiornata, ricognizione degli studi internazionali sul rapporto tra il filosofo scozzese e la Storia. Così, anche per i ricchi riferimenti alla vasta e più recente critica anglosassone e americana sulla filosofia della storia humeana, il presente studio rappresenta un'importante messa a punto del problema.This article underlines one of the most interesting aspects of David Hume's political thought, even if it has not been sufficiently considered by Italian critics: Hume's conception of history as a cultural phenomenon, that finds its utmost expression in the work The History of England. The author offers a synthetic, relevant and up-to-date recognition of the international scholarship on the relationship between the Scottish philosopher and history. In addition, this article, is rich in references to the most recent American and British critics on the Humean philosophy of history. Finally, this work represents an important treatment of the matter.

L'articolo esamina con particolare attenzione la concezione religiosa ed il ruolo istituzionale della Chiesa nel periodo cromwelliano ricavati dal Sesto volume della History of England di David Hume. Attraverso i giudizi sullo statista, che analizzano il temperamento ed il carattere dell'uomo, la politica interna ed estera del periodo, i momenti epocali come la battaglia di Dunbar e la Grande vittoria, si dimostra come l'opinione di Hume su quell'epoca sia, in realtà, tutta incentrata sul tema della "credenza" religiosa, vera cartina di tornasole di una società in profonda e drammatica trasformazione. L'autrice rivela infatti che, dietro il pretesto biografico e la correlata analisi delle dinamiche sociali che permettono la genesi di un nuovo tipo di carisma politico, Hume miri piuttosto a ricostruire i contorni esatti del cambiamento e dei fenomeni d'innovazione culturale e religiosa che attraversarono l'intera società inglese, fornendo elementi basilari per una più esatta comprensione del contesto economico, politico ed istituzionale.The present article examines, with a particular attention, the religious view and the institutional role of the Cromwellian period taken from the sixth volume of the "History of England" by David Hume. Through reviews of the statesman that analyze the temperament and character of man, the domestic and foreign policy of the period, and the history of epochal moments, such as the battle of Dunbar and the Great victory, we demonstrate how the views of Hume of that time are, in fact, entirely focused on the theme of religious 'belief' as a real map of a litmus of a society in profound and dramatic transformation. The author reveals that under the pretext of analyzing the biographical and the related social dynamics that allowed the genesis of a new type of political charisma, Hume rather seeks to reconstruct the exact contours of the cultural and religious phenomena of change and innovation that spread accoss all British society, hence, providing fundamental elements for a more exact understanding of the economic, political, and institutional scene.

Political Attitudes of Lithuanian Diaspora in the Context of Russian Information Warfare: Case of England This work is the first attempt to look at the political attitudes of the Lithuanian diaspora in England and their information space. The research provides an initial analysis and the most relevant emerging tendencies, there is no intention to make deep theoretical summaries or conclusions. The material provides the necessary general knowledge of the political attitudes of the Lithuanian diaspora in England the support of the narratives used in the Russian information warfare and the habits of information usage. This work can serve as the basis for further research into the future The aim of this work is to find out whether the representatives of the Lithuanian diaspora in England tend to support narratives used in the Russian information warfare, as well as diaspora information space or habits of information sources usage. The work assumes that consent to information warfare narratives may depend on the "selective exposure" and the possible involvement of people in the "echo chambers". The general situation of the research is ambiguous and raises many questions. Sufficiently large numbers of respondents support or partially support the narratives of the Russian Information Warfare. 60.2% of respondents believe that the Lithuanian media is biased, 37.7% agree with statement that there are discrimination against ethnic minorities in Lithuania, 66.7%, that Lithuanian politicians are not competent, also 32.5% believe that the Baltic States and the West are exaggeratingly speaking about the threat posed by Russia. It need to be emphasized that 43.7% of the respondents believe that Lithuania would benefit from unrestricted trade with Russia, even if Lithuania's economic sovereignty would be compromised, while 45.3% disagrees with the statement that Lithuania should seek to impose stricter economic sanctions on Russia. However, it is interesting that some respondents disagree with statements that Russia poses a threat to the West (36.1%) or to the Baltic States (33.5%). The study also revealed a large proportion of those who do not have a clear-cut political viewpoint on one or another issue. Moreover, respondents who indicated that they use Russian information tools to obtain information is much more likely to support the narratives of the Russian information warfare. The same situation is evident with those who have indicated that films, free time and television broadcasts they watch in Russian language. Interestingly, a large proportion of respondents indicated that they did not select and use Russian media at all and that they rarely choose to watch films, entertainment and TV 64 shows in Russian language, but the support of Russian information warfare narratives remains high enough. Finnaly, the study revealed the "connection" between the Lithuanian and Russian mass media. Most respondents tend to use Lithuanian sources of information to obtain information, but the correlation showed that those who mostly use Lithuanian channels as the main ones tend to use Russian sources more often too.

Political Attitudes of Lithuanian Diaspora in the Context of Russian Information Warfare: Case of England This work is the first attempt to look at the political attitudes of the Lithuanian diaspora in England and their information space. The research provides an initial analysis and the most relevant emerging tendencies, there is no intention to make deep theoretical summaries or conclusions. The material provides the necessary general knowledge of the political attitudes of the Lithuanian diaspora in England the support of the narratives used in the Russian information warfare and the habits of information usage. This work can serve as the basis for further research into the future The aim of this work is to find out whether the representatives of the Lithuanian diaspora in England tend to support narratives used in the Russian information warfare, as well as diaspora information space or habits of information sources usage. The work assumes that consent to information warfare narratives may depend on the "selective exposure" and the possible involvement of people in the "echo chambers". The general situation of the research is ambiguous and raises many questions. Sufficiently large numbers of respondents support or partially support the narratives of the Russian Information Warfare. 60.2% of respondents believe that the Lithuanian media is biased, 37.7% agree with statement that there are discrimination against ethnic minorities in Lithuania, 66.7%, that Lithuanian politicians are not competent, also 32.5% believe that the Baltic States and the West are exaggeratingly speaking about the threat posed by Russia. It need to be emphasized that 43.7% of the respondents believe that Lithuania would benefit from unrestricted trade with Russia, even if Lithuania's economic sovereignty would be compromised, while 45.3% disagrees with the statement that Lithuania should seek to impose stricter economic sanctions on Russia. However, it is interesting that some respondents disagree with statements that Russia poses a threat to the West (36.1%) or to the Baltic States (33.5%). The study also revealed a large proportion of those who do not have a clear-cut political viewpoint on one or another issue. Moreover, respondents who indicated that they use Russian information tools to obtain information is much more likely to support the narratives of the Russian information warfare. The same situation is evident with those who have indicated that films, free time and television broadcasts they watch in Russian language. Interestingly, a large proportion of respondents indicated that they did not select and use Russian media at all and that they rarely choose to watch films, entertainment and TV 64 shows in Russian language, but the support of Russian information warfare narratives remains high enough. Finnaly, the study revealed the "connection" between the Lithuanian and Russian mass media. Most respondents tend to use Lithuanian sources of information to obtain information, but the correlation showed that those who mostly use Lithuanian channels as the main ones tend to use Russian sources more often too.

Political Attitudes of Lithuanian Diaspora in the Context of Russian Information Warfare: Case of England This work is the first attempt to look at the political attitudes of the Lithuanian diaspora in England and their information space. The research provides an initial analysis and the most relevant emerging tendencies, there is no intention to make deep theoretical summaries or conclusions. The material provides the necessary general knowledge of the political attitudes of the Lithuanian diaspora in England the support of the narratives used in the Russian information warfare and the habits of information usage. This work can serve as the basis for further research into the future The aim of this work is to find out whether the representatives of the Lithuanian diaspora in England tend to support narratives used in the Russian information warfare, as well as diaspora information space or habits of information sources usage. The work assumes that consent to information warfare narratives may depend on the "selective exposure" and the possible involvement of people in the "echo chambers". The general situation of the research is ambiguous and raises many questions. Sufficiently large numbers of respondents support or partially support the narratives of the Russian Information Warfare. 60.2% of respondents believe that the Lithuanian media is biased, 37.7% agree with statement that there are discrimination against ethnic minorities in Lithuania, 66.7%, that Lithuanian politicians are not competent, also 32.5% believe that the Baltic States and the West are exaggeratingly speaking about the threat posed by Russia. It need to be emphasized that 43.7% of the respondents believe that Lithuania would benefit from unrestricted trade with Russia, even if Lithuania's economic sovereignty would be compromised, while 45.3% disagrees with the statement that Lithuania should seek to impose stricter economic sanctions on Russia. However, it is interesting that some respondents disagree with statements that Russia poses a threat to the West (36.1%) or to the Baltic States (33.5%). The study also revealed a large proportion of those who do not have a clear-cut political viewpoint on one or another issue. Moreover, respondents who indicated that they use Russian information tools to obtain information is much more likely to support the narratives of the Russian information warfare. The same situation is evident with those who have indicated that films, free time and television broadcasts they watch in Russian language. Interestingly, a large proportion of respondents indicated that they did not select and use Russian media at all and that they rarely choose to watch films, entertainment and TV 64 shows in Russian language, but the support of Russian information warfare narratives remains high enough. Finnaly, the study revealed the "connection" between the Lithuanian and Russian mass media. Most respondents tend to use Lithuanian sources of information to obtain information, but the correlation showed that those who mostly use Lithuanian channels as the main ones tend to use Russian sources more often too.

Political Attitudes of Lithuanian Diaspora in the Context of Russian Information Warfare: Case of England This work is the first attempt to look at the political attitudes of the Lithuanian diaspora in England and their information space. The research provides an initial analysis and the most relevant emerging tendencies, there is no intention to make deep theoretical summaries or conclusions. The material provides the necessary general knowledge of the political attitudes of the Lithuanian diaspora in England the support of the narratives used in the Russian information warfare and the habits of information usage. This work can serve as the basis for further research into the future The aim of this work is to find out whether the representatives of the Lithuanian diaspora in England tend to support narratives used in the Russian information warfare, as well as diaspora information space or habits of information sources usage. The work assumes that consent to information warfare narratives may depend on the "selective exposure" and the possible involvement of people in the "echo chambers". The general situation of the research is ambiguous and raises many questions. Sufficiently large numbers of respondents support or partially support the narratives of the Russian Information Warfare. 60.2% of respondents believe that the Lithuanian media is biased, 37.7% agree with statement that there are discrimination against ethnic minorities in Lithuania, 66.7%, that Lithuanian politicians are not competent, also 32.5% believe that the Baltic States and the West are exaggeratingly speaking about the threat posed by Russia. It need to be emphasized that 43.7% of the respondents believe that Lithuania would benefit from unrestricted trade with Russia, even if Lithuania's economic sovereignty would be compromised, while 45.3% disagrees with the statement that Lithuania should seek to impose stricter economic sanctions on Russia. However, it is interesting that some respondents disagree with statements that Russia poses a threat to the West (36.1%) or to the Baltic States (33.5%). The study also revealed a large proportion of those who do not have a clear-cut political viewpoint on one or another issue. Moreover, respondents who indicated that they use Russian information tools to obtain information is much more likely to support the narratives of the Russian information warfare. The same situation is evident with those who have indicated that films, free time and television broadcasts they watch in Russian language. Interestingly, a large proportion of respondents indicated that they did not select and use Russian media at all and that they rarely choose to watch films, entertainment and TV 64 shows in Russian language, but the support of Russian information warfare narratives remains high enough. Finnaly, the study revealed the "connection" between the Lithuanian and Russian mass media. Most respondents tend to use Lithuanian sources of information to obtain information, but the correlation showed that those who mostly use Lithuanian channels as the main ones tend to use Russian sources more often too.