Beyond comparison In this article, the author takes up the issue of the so-called "crisis" of comparative literary studies (Comparative Literature), at the same time trying to outline the presentday condition of the discipline and to point to the objectives which it should attempt to attain today. Beside other detailed problems, the author analyses the threats posed by the hegemonic status of English which has become a specific 'foundational language' in Comparative Literature. However, in the principal part of his analysis, the author tries to go beyond the tendency towards 'unification and totalisation of thought,' which is present in Comparative Studies, by means of a search for 'commensurability' between the elements being compared,, and also beyond the equally popular strategy of 'divisiveness' that consists in continual emphasis on and proliferation of differences. He juxtaposes these two dominant trends with a model of conducting Comparative Literary Studies based on the concept of language of friendship or even love – an idea stemming from the philosophical thought of Lyotard and Badiou. In this approach, reading becomes an 'event of love, which, like love, is what is without and beyond compare.
The aim of this article is to discuss the problem of translating Polish prose, based on an analysis of a selection of samples taken from Czesław Miłosz's Native Realm. A Search for Self-Definition translated by Catherine S. Leach. The book documents specific relations between the Western and the Eastern Europe determined by historical provenance of the realms in question. The dichotomy of the collective European history has a profound influence on the reception of Polish literature among the Western audience. Native Realm showcases the issue perfectly – it is interesting in terms of its careful account of the historical and social development of the Continent. The perception of reality is conditioned by an inherent dissimilarity of experiences between the West and the East. The intention of Miłosz was to provide an analysis of them and produce an insightful book addressed specifically to the Western readership. My discussion is an attempt to prove that the endeavour is doomed to failure due to the intrinsic differences between the cultures involved, as cultural inheritance determines the interpretation of historical facts and prompts dissimilar connotations. In the case of Native Realm, on the one hand, we encounter Miłosz's vision/imagination that is irreversibly rooted in the Slavic way of looking at things and, on the other, the distinctively dissimilar Western vantage point. Translating these differences appears to be a major challenge for any translator. ; The aim of this article is to discuss the problem of translating Polish prose, based on an analysis of a selection of samples taken from Czesław Miłosz's Native Realm. A Search for Self-Definition translated by Catherine S. Leach. The book documents specific relations between the Western and the Eastern Europe determined by historical provenance of the realms in question. The dichotomy of the collective European history has a profound influence on the reception of Polish literature among the Western audience. Native Realm showcases the issue perfectly – it is interesting in terms of its careful account of the historical and social development of the Continent. The perception of reality is conditioned by an inherent dissimilarity of experiences between the West and the East. The intention of Miłosz was to provide an analysis of them and produce an insightful book addressed specifically to the Western readership. My discussion is an attempt to prove that the endeavour is doomed to failure due to the intrinsic differences between the cultures involved, as cultural inheritance determines the interpretation of historical facts and prompts dissimilar connotations. In the case of Native Realm, on the one hand, we encounter Miłosz's vision/imagination that is irreversibly rooted in the Slavic way of looking at things and, on the other, the distinctively dissimilar Western vantage point. Translating these differences appears to be a major challenge for any translator.
The aim of this article is to present an overview of theoretical approaches to public policy. The author focuses on its two phases - design and implementation, not including evaluation. The article is an attempt to answer the following research questions: How do researchers define public policy? What are its phases? What are the characteristics of these phases? How is its implementation defined? And what do top-down, bottom-up, and hybrid approaches mean? What is considered to be an implementation success and what factors influence it? Which direction should future research on public policy processes take? In order to answer the above-mentioned questions, the author has reviewed the subject literature, mainly in English, dealing with the issues of designing and implementing public policies. The article is a synthesis of public policy theories.
Age integration - a term used in social gerontology in at least two senses. In a narrow perspective - adopted mainly in English-language literature - age integration refers to such a structure of social roles in various institutions that allows for differences, but they do not depend strictly on the age structure, i.e. whether someone is a middle-aged adult or in an older age (Phillips et al., 2010). This is particularly about educational, economic, political, religious and leisure institutions in which people from different age groups and generations play different roles and occupy different positions. Age integration is based on the assumption that access to the institution, the possibility of exiting it and access to products (called outputs); services implemented in reality and benefits and outcomes paid out; the effects of implemented services and services, eg reduction of poverty, improvement of health, activities of these institutions is equal for all regardless of age.
The aim of the article is to present the specific nature of research on the issues of national relations in a totalitarian state based on the example of the lands of Central and Eastern Europe under the Soviet occupation from 1939-1941. In order to achieve this, the literature on the subject (in English and Polish) was reviewed as well as the most important methodological problems encountered by researchers. The research program was also outlined, along with a proposal for their conceptualization in the form of signalling the main aspects of the above-mentioned issues, including the specificity of the Soviet occupation of 1939-1941, social and ethnic relations in this area, and the Soviet nationalities policy. Several research methods and postulates were proposed, as well as perspectives and theoretical approaches that could facilitate the study of this complex and controversial subject, e.g., the interdisciplinary nature of research, methods of bottom-up formation of political attitudes of the population (the so-called "bottom-up" method), application of theories of the totalitarian state, and different theories of ethnicity. As a result, an interdisciplinary program of comparative studies of ethnic relations in Central and Eastern Europe under Soviet rule (1939-1941) was outlined, taking into account the transnational character of historical processes and the need to conduct micro historic analyses and case studies that would allow capturing of the diversity of ethnic relations and verify the effectiveness of the policy of the central Soviet authorities. The article argues that it seems obvious that the specificity of the analysed problematics can be properly grasped only by consideration it in the historical and theoretical context, adopting a comparative and transnational approach, from a micro-historical as well as everyday-life perspective that highlights the most important social factors which facilitated changes in interethnic relations.
The article analyzes the sanitary and hygienic conditions of living and medical care at Konzentrationslager Stutthof — Aussenlager Pölitz — a branch of the Stutthof central camp. The sub-camp in Police was created with a view to supplying cheap labour to a synthetic gasoline fac-tory, which was a strategic plant of the German war economy. The health condition of prisoners in concentration camps always remained bad, but the health problems of the prisoners in Police resulted not only from terrible sanitary, hygienic, and living conditions, but also from the difficult working conditions in the factory. So far, the issues of interest to us have not found wider interest among researchers who focused on the so-called "Camps", apart from the so-called small — affiliate camps. The following research questions were asked: How did medical care function in the German (Nazi) sub-camp Konzentrationslager Stutthof — Aussenlager Pölitz? What were the sanitary, living and hygienic conditions in the German (Nazi) sub-camp Konzentrationslager Stutthof — Aussen-lager Pölitz? In preparing this article the author used research methods characteristic for historical sciences, such as external and internal evaluation of sources; the dogmatic method, which seeks casual connections of a more complex nature than simple time-related connections, and comparative research. The analysis was based on archival materials of the Institute of National Remembrance, es-pecially the Archives of the Branch Office of the Commission For the Prosecution of Crimes Against The Polish Nation of the Institute of National Remembrance in Szczecin (primarily testimony re-ports and witness accounts, factual documentation), memories and literature of the subject (Polish, German, and English). Based on the source material and subject literature it was proved that: 1) The way the sub-camp in Pölitz operated depended on the requirements of the German arms industry. It was created to provide cheap labor for a synthetic fuel factory (Chemische Werke Hydropetroleum Industrie Gesellschaft), a strategic plant for the German war industry. 2) Prisoners of concentration camps were never in good health, but health problems of prisoners in Pölitz were caused not only by poor sanitation, hygiene, and living conditions, but also by harsh working conditions in the factory. 3) The health conditions developed by prisoners from the KL Stutthof — Aussenlager Pölitz could be divided into 4 groups: a) illnesses related to the living conditions in the camp, typical for most concentration camps, b) illnesses resulting from hunger and total exhaustion, c) injuries caused by beating, and d) illnesses resulting from workplace contamination. The operation of the Pölitz camp could be divided into two periods: one when the camp (at that time "the summer camp") was still under construction, and the other — its actual operation — when the winter camp was established with extended camp infrastructure. However, regardless of the time, prisoners always suffered from hunger, exhausting work beyond their capabilities and various illnesses.
Artykuł prezentuje wyniki badań stanowiących część historyczno-porównawczego studium wyzwań, jakie wejście do NATO postawiło przed siłami zbrojnymi i polityką obronną Polski. Badając ewolucję stosunków cywilno-wojskowych (SCW) w Polsce przed i po jej wstąpieniu do NATO pytaliśmy czy mają one formę kopii, szablonów czy progów uznanych "zachodnich" rozwiązań instytucjonalnych. Pytaliśmy też, czy można uznać, że Polskie siły zbrojne zaakceptowały demokratyczną kontrolę cywilną nad sobą behawioralnie, postawowo i konstytucjonalnie. Przeprowadziliśmy trzy serie bezpośrednich, częściowo ustrukturalizowanych wywiadów w latach 1996, 2006 i 2015–2016 przy użyciu własnego kwestionariusza zawierającego pytania otwarte. W wywiadach wzięło udział 41 osób reprezentujących istotną część polskich decydentów i ekspertów zaangażowanych w proces poszerzania NATO. Ich wyniki zostały zweryfikowane rezultatami badań archiwalnych pierwotnych źródeł polskiej doktryny obronnej, w tym ustaw i publikowanych oświadczeń dotyczących koncepcji, praktyk i procedur militarnych. Krytyczny przegląd istniejącej, głównie angielskojęzycznej literatury posłużył poszerzeniu perspektywy badawczej. Rezultaty naszych badań wskazują, że Polska przyjęła zachodnie szablony SCW, co wskazuje, że przyjęcie to było dobrowolne, ale użyte tylko w przybliżeniu. Sugerują one też, że polscy wojskowi zaakceptowali kontrolę cywilną konstytucjonalnie i behawioralnie, ale ich akceptacja postawowa jest jeszcze ciągle niepełna. ; The paper is based on the results of a longitudinal study tracing the challenges that joining NATO created for the armed forces and the defense policies of Poland. Examining the evolution of civil-military relations (CMR) in Poland, before and after it joined NATO we were seeking, whether those relations are copies, templates, patches or thresholds of established "Western" institutions. We also asked whether the Polish armed forces can be seen to accept democratic civilian control behaviourally, attitudinally and constitutionally. We conducted three series of face-to-face semi-structured interviews in 1996, 2006 and 2015–2016, using a proprietary questionnaire with a set of open questions. It was possible to interview 41 people, forming a sizeable part of Polish key decision makers and experts involved in the process of NATO enlargement. Findings were validated with the results of archival work on primary sources of Polish military doctrine, including the laws and the published statements of military concepts, practices and procedure. A critical review of the existing, mainly English-language literature of the subject was used to broaden the perspective. The results of our investigation show that Poland has accepted templates of CMR, which indicates that, although their adoption was voluntary, it was only approximate. They also suggest that the Polish military has accepted civilian control constitutionally and behaviourally but its attitudinal acceptance is still incomplete.
Artykuł prezentuje wyniki badań stanowiących część historyczno-porównawczego studium wyzwań, jakie wejście do NATO postawiło przed siłami zbrojnymi i polityką obronną Polski. Badając ewolucję stosunków cywilno-wojskowych (SCW) w Polsce przed i po jej wstąpieniu do NATO pytaliśmy czy mają one formę kopii, szablonów czy progów uznanych "zachodnich" rozwiązań instytucjonalnych. Pytaliśmy też, czy można uznać, że Polskie siły zbrojne zaakceptowały demokratyczną kontrolę cywilną nad sobą behawioralnie, postawowo i konstytucjonalnie. Przeprowadziliśmy trzy serie bezpośrednich, częściowo ustrukturalizowanych wywiadów w latach 1996, 2006 i 2015–2016 przy użyciu własnego kwestionariusza zawierającego pytania otwarte. W wywiadach wzięło udział 41 osób reprezentujących istotną część polskich decydentów i ekspertów zaangażowanych w proces poszerzania NATO. Ich wyniki zostały zweryfikowane rezultatami badań archiwalnych pierwotnych źródeł polskiej doktryny obronnej, w tym ustaw i publikowanych oświadczeń dotyczących koncepcji, praktyk i procedur militarnych. Krytyczny przegląd istniejącej, głównie angielskojęzycznej literatury posłużył poszerzeniu perspektywy badawczej. Rezultaty naszych badań wskazują, że Polska przyjęła zachodnie szablony SCW, co wskazuje, że przyjęcie to było dobrowolne, ale użyte tylko w przybliżeniu. Sugerują one też, że polscy wojskowi zaakceptowali kontrolę cywilną konstytucjonalnie i behawioralnie, ale ich akceptacja postawowa jest jeszcze ciągle niepełna. ; The paper is based on the results of a longitudinal study tracing the challenges that joining NATO created for the armed forces and the defense policies of Poland. Examining the evolution of civil-military relations (CMR) in Poland, before and after it joined NATO we were seeking, whether those relations are copies, templates, patches or thresholds of established "Western" institutions. We also asked whether the Polish armed forces can be seen to accept democratic civilian control behaviourally, attitudinally and constitutionally. We conducted three series of face-to-face semi-structured interviews in 1996, 2006 and 2015–2016, using a proprietary questionnaire with a set of open questions. It was possible to interview 41 people, forming a sizeable part of Polish key decision makers and experts involved in the process of NATO enlargement. Findings were validated with the results of archival work on primary sources of Polish military doctrine, including the laws and the published statements of military concepts, practices and procedure. A critical review of the existing, mainly English-language literature of the subject was used to broaden the perspective. The results of our investigation show that Poland has accepted templates of CMR, which indicates that, although their adoption was voluntary, it was only approximate. They also suggest that the Polish military has accepted civilian control constitutionally and behaviourally but its attitudinal acceptance is still incomplete. ; 2 ; 145 ; 162 ; Przegląd Politologiczny
