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Cilj je ovog članka istražiti konceptualizaciju sustavnog vrednovanja, rangiranja i dobrih praksi razmjene alata u okviru politika spolne jednakosti u Europskoj Uniji. U prvom dijelu članka sagledavaju se meke pravne mjere primijenjene u kontekstu suradnje među vladama. Utemeljena na ekstenzivnoj literaturi, u ovoj se studiji te mjere razmatraju kao oblik akademskog znanja koje se na različite načine primjenjuje u okviru javnih politika. Nadalje, u članku se kritiziraju ti alati javnih politika kroz različite varijable koje mogu spriječiti upotrebu znanja. U drugom dijelu članka usredotočuje se na Otvorenu metodu koordinacije i na ulogu Europskog instituta za spolnu jednakost (EIGE) u odnosu na politike spolne jednakosti. Empirijski dio ovog članka fokusira se na kritiku EIGE-ovog Eksternog evaluacijskog izvješća i na različite konceptualizacije upotrebe akademskog znanja koje su predstavljene u ovom kontrolnom dokumentu. Kao takav, ovaj članak nastoji pridonijeti novoj konceptualizaciji tehnokratskih mjera sustavnog vrednovanja, rangiranja i dobrih praksi razmjene unutar visoko ideologiziranog područja politika spolne jednakosti. ; The aim of this article is to explore the conceptualisation of benchmarking, ranking and good practice sharing tools within European Union gender equality policymaking. In the first part, the article looks at these soft law measures applied within intergovernmental cooperation. Stemming from the extensive body of literature, the study approaches these measures as a form of scientific knowledge, which is diversely applied within policymaking. Next, the article directs various points of criticism at these policymaking tools through different variables that may hinder knowledge use. The second section of this article further focuses on the Open Method of Coordination and the role of the European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE) in relation to gender equality policies. The empirical part of this article is focused on the criticism of EIGE's External Evaluation Report and the different conceptualisations of scientific knowledge use which are presented within this audit document. As such, this article aims to contribute to a new conceptualisation of the technocratic tools of benchmarking, ranking and good practice sharing within the highly ideological area of gender equality policies.

Rodni režim Europske unije je distinktivan režim specifične geneze, osebujnih pravila i kompleksnih procedura. Javne politike koje mu pripadaju čine portfelj rodne jednakosti država članica i kandidatkinja. Nužno je stoga biti upućen u njihov sadržaj, ali i povijest. U članku se analizira kompleksni nastanak politike rodne jednakosti obilježen političkim borbama oko suprotstavljenih vizija jednakosti, utjecajima drugih međunarodnih režima te internim institucionalnim sukobima. Glavno je pitanje: kako se u posljednjih šezdeset godina razvijala politika rodne jednakosti EU-a te kakve su njene ocjene i projekcije za njenu budućnost? U odgovaranju na ovo pitanje koriste se originalni javnopolitički dokumenti EU-a, kao i uvidi bogate literature iz politologijskog područja roda i politike. Članak se zaključuje uvidom kako nakon pola stoljeća razvoja, koji je bio obilježen epizodama javnopolitičkih inovacija (u kojima EU nije bila puka sljedbenica, već dapače predvodnica napretka na globalnoj sceni), dolazi do zabrinjavajućeg zastoja u formulaciji i implementaciji politike rodne jednakosti. ; Gender regime of the European Union is a distinctive regime characterized by a specific genesis, particular rules and complex procedures. Public policies belonging to the regime represent the gender equality portfolio of member states and candidate countries. It is, therefore, essential to be familiar with their content, as well as their history. The paper analyses the complex creation of the gender equality policy, marked by political conflicts over opposing visions of equality, influence of other international regimes and internal institutional conflicts. The main question is the following: how has gender equality policy developed in the last sixty years, how is it evaluated and what are the projections for its future? In order to address this question, original EU public policy documents are used, as well as insights from rich literature covering the politological aspect of gender and politics. The paper ends with a conclusion that after half a century of development, marked by episodes of public policy innovation (in which the EU was not a mere follower, but rather a leader of progress on the global scene), there is a worrying stagnation in the formulation and implementation of gender equality policy.

U radu se razmatra odnos spolnog i jezičnog te njihov međusobni utjecaj unutar područja političke filozofije, lingvistike i teorije teksta, u pojedinim djelima Adriane Cavarero. Najprije se polazi od spoznaja poststrukturalističke teorije teksta, psihoanalitičkog feminizma i psiholingvistike, koje se potom proširuju rezultatima iz područja političke filozofije, s posebnim naglaskom na antičke tekstove. Analizom odabranih ulomaka Cavarerina opusa otvorit će se pitanje odnosa rodnog, spolnog i tekstualnog. Na temelju kritičkog čitanja Cavarerinih djela, teorijske literature i rezultata analize polaznih i ciljnih tekstova, donijet će se zaključak o utjecaju spolnosti na jezik i kulturu, odnosno o utjecaju jezika i kulturnih simbola na društvene i rodne uloge. ; The paper examines the relationship between the sexual and linguistic and their mutual influence within the fields of political philosophy, linguistics, and theory of text, in selection from Adriana Cavarero's work. First, we begin from the knowledge of poststructuralist text theory, psychoanalytic feminism and psycholinguistics, which are later expanded with the results from political philosophy with special emphasis on ancient texts. Cavarero's texts are being analysed to describe the features through which the relationship between gender, sex and text is established. Through a critical exploration of Cavarero's texts and previous theoretical discussions and the analysis results, a conclusion about the influence of the sexual on language and culture and the influence of language and cultural symbols on social and gender roles is reached.

Ravnopravnost spolova središnja je tema u čitavome svijetu, pa tako i EU-u, gdje predstavlja jednu od temeljnih vrijednosti koju se nastoji integrirati u sve politike Europske unije, ali i programe financiranja EU-a. Analizirajući istraživanja o ravnopravnosti spolova na institucijama visokoga obrazovanja statistike idu u prilog činjenici da te institucije reproduciraju društvene vrijednosti koje dovode do spolne, rodne pristranosti, odnosno diskriminacije. Statistike pokazuju da postoji vidna razlika u tipičnim karijernim profilima za žene i muškarce, odnosno u odabiru znanstvenih područja. Razvidna je horizontalna segregacija, koja nimalo ne zaostaje za onom drugom, vertikalnom segregacijom koja upućuje na to da je top menadžment, ali i uspješniji karijerni put u visokoobrazovnim institucijama uglavnom rezerviran za muškarce. Ne zanemarujući činjenicu da je dostizanje ravnopravnosti spolova u visokome obrazovanju ipak dugoročni projekt koji bi trebao biti rezultat ne samo sveučilišnih politika, nego i institucionalnih vladinih mjera i politika, ovim se radom konstruktivno promišlja i aktualizira tema za buduća istraživanja, s provedenim istraživanjem na jedanaest ustrojbenih jedinica Sveučilišta u Mostaru. ; Gender equality is a central theme throughout the world, including the EU, in which it represents one of the core values that should be integrated into all EU policies, as well as EU funding programs. Analysing research on gender equality in higher education institutions, statistics support the fact that these institutions reproduce social values that lead to gender, gender bias, or discrimination. Statistics show that there is a visible difference in typical career profiles for women and men, e.g. in the selection of scientific fields. Horizontal segregation is evident, not far behind the other, vertical segregation, which indicates that top management, but also a more successful career path in higher education institutions, is largely reserved for men. In spite of the fact that the achievement of gender equality in higher education is nevertheless a long-term project that should be the result not only of university policies but also of institutional government measures and policies, this paper constructively deliberates and updates the topic for future research, with research conducted on eleven organizational units of the University of Mostar.

The author compares Hobbes' state of nature & Rawls' original position in an attempt to answer the question: How to arrive at a community starting from individualistic premises? The comparison shows a striking similarity between Hobbes' & Rawls' initial positions showing itself in the radical equality of the denizens in both "states of nature" & the insistence on the part of both authors to secure recognition of such equality. The essentially similar conditions in the state of nature suggest that the difference between their "social contracts" should lie in the other parts of their theories. The decisive differences lie in Rawls' assumption that individuals are motivated by a sense of justice (much stronger than in Hobbes' theory) that enables a choice of principles of justice in Rawls' state of nature. The agreement on principles is an expression of human sociability, while an agreement on a sovereign is a concession to human unsociability. 17 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author compares Hobbes' state of nature & Rawls' original position in an attempt to answer the question: How to arrive at a community starting from individualistic premises? The comparison shows a striking similarity between Hobbes' & Rawls' initial positions showing itself in the radical equality of the denizens in both "states of nature" & the insistence on the part of both authors to secure recognition of such equality. The essentially similar conditions in the state of nature suggest that the difference between their "social contracts" should lie in the other parts of their theories. The decisive differences lie in Rawls' assumption that individuals are motivated by a sense of justice (much stronger than in Hobbes' theory) that enables a choice of principles of justice in Rawls' state of nature. The agreement on principles is an expression of human sociability, while an agreement on a sovereign is a concession to human unsociability. 17 References. Adapted from the source document.

The first translation of Mill's paper Podredenost zena (1869) has been recently published in Croatia. This work marks a break with the patriarchal paradigm within the liberal tradition. By tying the realization of liberal ideas of freedom & individualism to the elimination of inequality between the sexes, Mill gave back to liberalism its original critical & emancipatory character. Using this as the starting point, the article deals with the understanding of women's rights within the intellectual-political tradition Mill belonged to; sheds some new light on the nature & the meaning of his relationship with Harriet Taylor; & reconstructs Mill's theory on the equality of women in the context of his entire oeuvre. In the fourth & final part, the author looks into the relevance of Mill's ideas & points to certain intricacies & contradictions in his views. 24 References. Adapted from the source document.

The first translation of Mill's paper Podredenost zena (1869) has been recently published in Croatia. This work marks a break with the patriarchal paradigm within the liberal tradition. By tying the realization of liberal ideas of freedom & individualism to the elimination of inequality between the sexes, Mill gave back to liberalism its original critical & emancipatory character. Using this as the starting point, the article deals with the understanding of women's rights within the intellectual-political tradition Mill belonged to; sheds some new light on the nature & the meaning of his relationship with Harriet Taylor; & reconstructs Mill's theory on the equality of women in the context of his entire oeuvre. In the fourth & final part, the author looks into the relevance of Mill's ideas & points to certain intricacies & contradictions in his views. 24 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author's starting point is the assumption that the idea of the Christian Republic, suppressed by the Enlightenment, entered the French 18th-century discourse through its two secularized versions: the "Great Plan" put forward by Duke of Sully in Royal Economies (1638) and the Project for Perpetual Peace in Europe by Charles-Irenee Castel, the abbot of Saint-Pierre (1717). While the "Great Plan" aimed at establishing a secularized European peace alliance under the hegemony of France, Saint-Pierre strove to remove all hegemonic facets of the plan and establish peace according to the principles of equality of sovereign states. In the second half of the 18th century, Gabriel Bonnot de Mably and Jean-Jacques Rousseau, in reaction to the Seven-Year War, assumed different standpoints regarding the heritage of Sully and Saint-Pierre: although both deemed useful to build upon Saint-Pierre's pacifist thought, they rejected his way of establishing a Christian Republic in Europe as essentially Utopian. The former saw the only way of pacifying Europe in federalization under the hegemony of a single federal republic. The latter however rejected this solution as too risky and too difficult to carry out, preferring a return to the old theory of balance of forces, which enables small, autarchic and belligerent republics, that must always take into account the certainty that they could be attacked at any time, to establish only temporary and loose connections with other (equally small) republics within the frameworks of defensive alliances. Adapted from the source document.

Each election year in Croatia is an occasion for comparing the social guidelines & the practice. To what extent is the policy of gender equality applied to the participation of women in political decision-making at the parliamentary level in Croatia? Modest results are not an exception: almost in all countries there is the gap between the two. Nevertheless, the extent of the participation in older democratic countries is on the average somewhat higher, which can be attributed to the influence of the egalitarian concept of gender roles & the proportional electoral system. In younger democratic countries, including Croatia, the average is somewhat lower due to the significance of socio-economic factors. In some countries a higher level of participation can for the time being be achieved only via the mechanisms of affirmative action i.e. quotas. Therefore, for Croatia it is essential to achieve the "critical mass" of women in its parliament, which can be brought about by introducing quotas at the party level, by democratic selective procedures of nominating candidates, & by putting up candidates of both genders on the party lists, which means that the highest percentages of women in the parliament can be expected from modern parties promoting the deliberate regulation of the above processes. References. Adapted from the source document.

Classical liberalism as opposed to traditional concepts has established a notion of justice that envisages the equality of individual (negative) freedoms & (tutelary) rights. Under the influence of socialist criticism, modern-day liberals have been trying to include within the concept of justice the problem of the distribution of positive freedoms & rights. The already classic attempt of solving this problem is John Rawls's theory that defines justice as fairness, based on the principles of the equality of basic freedoms of individuals compatible with the freedom of other individuals; the distribution of goods that will most benefit the least privileged; & the primacy of freedom over social equality & justice over economic efficiency. In a pluralist society, these principles should facilitate the establishment of the "overlapping consensus" among divergent social groups on the issues of the basic social structure. In his attempt to solve the problems of social equality, which Rawls's theory leaves open-ended, Michael Walzer postulates the principle of complex equality, which requires different ways of distribution for different types of goods. These types cannot be specified in advance; however, their distribution is the most remarkable skill of liberal politics. Finally, the author claims that the problem of a just political organization of multicultural societies can be solved by applying Rawls's principles of fairness to the negotiating processes & to achieving consensus among divergent cultural groups on certain issues. Adapted from the source document.

Rousseau gives an account of the development of law wherein the constitution of the state is derived from the droits de l'humanite principle. In other words, he seeks and finds the original act which encompasses equality and freedom and from which the two result, and which is simultaneously the constitutive act of the community. In his philosophical doctrine of the state, and in contrast with his ethics, he discovered a new field of human obligations in and of themselves, where the principle according to which they are judged is not the ethical sentiment, but reason, as that which realizes that the obligations are justified. This means that the typical anthropological foundation of equality demanded by Rousseau's ethics proves to be insufficient with regard to the highest principles of the state doctrine. Thus Rousseau's foundation of equality in the form of a peculiar philosophy of freedom, which stands in opposition to his ethics, is of a purely rational character, since only pure reason is the source of cognition regarding conditions that justify coercive power over people, and it is, in turn, clearly opposed to the source of knowledge of good and evil, namely sensitivity and sentiments. This also clarifies Rousseau's view that ethical freedom is possible solely within the state and that only a citizen of the state can have freedom. But belief in the possibility of freedom within the state does not originate from some sort of adoration of the state: it results from his non-abandonment of the ethics of sentimentality, with simultaneous recognition of the validity of the freedom concept gained in the sphere of the legislative state. In Kant's understanding, the basic goal of Rousseau's political thought was to establish and ensure inalienable natural rights of individuums, which are symbolized in the substance of the general will. One may therefore conclude that they both tried to establish a new metaphysics of law, but this does not mean that Rousseau can be considered a direct predecessor of Kant's metaphysics of ethics and his critique of practical reason. Adapted from the source document.