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The second half of the 20th century has been marked by widespread conflict within states, tensions erupting into violence & civil war. For example, in Rwanda almost 800,000 Tutsis were brutally killed by their neighboring Hutus. Other examples include Indonesia, the Ivory Coast, Liberia, Nigeria, the Philippines, Sri Lanka, & Yugoslavia. In response, a multidisciplinary team of scholars drawn from twenty-one countries were selected as Fulbright Scholars to collaborate on a project entitled, "Addressing Sectarian, Ethnic, and Cultural Conflict within and across National Borders." During three conferences, the team identified three components that are interrelated in times of violence: factors creating severe ethnic conflict; factors & mechanisms involved in the peace processes; & the dynamics of collective identity. This article serves as an introduction to the subsequent papers in which the fellows' findings are described. 8 References. R. Prince

It is argued that ethnic conflict should not be understood purely in terms of boundaries of difference leading to boundaries of hostility. Instead, it is recommended that further attention be paid to why, & under what conditions, some boundaries of difference become boundaries of conflict. The examples of ethnicity in Serbia & in Malaysia are examined in further detail in order to demonstrate the contingent nature of ethnicity. However, the prominence of ethnicity in the last century is acknowledged for two reasons: the framing of the state as the political organ of the nation opens up the possibility of minoritized ethnicities; &, modern states continue to express nationhood as an ancestral formation. In spite of this, it is argued that ethnic identities only take on prominence at moments of crisis in the nation state. 33 References. R. Prince

The chapter focuses on ethnic conflict & mobilization in Latin America & on the inadequacies of standard leftist, nation-statist, comparative-politics approaches toward understanding indigenous politics. A constructivist international relations perspective is applied to states & institutions as they inform -- & are informed by -- ethnopolitics. "State" & "government" are not mutually reducible terms; their interactions with the ethnic environment are complex, variable, & particular. Understanding the state's complex function has significant policy implications for governance in ethnically diverse & conflicted nations. 55 References. K. Coddon

The authors discuss the relationship between decentralization and conflict, focusing on the local level. They address the dangers that accompany decentralization, particularly the potential for new ethnic conflicts, or the revival of old ones. Before exploring the situation in Mali, the authors present an overview of scholarship on decentralization and the effects of colonial regimes on the African state. Their discussion of Mali includes a detailed description of Mali and an analysis of the Malian government preparation for and implementation of decentralization.

Two major waves of US immigration -- 1869-1924 & 1965-1993 -- are compared in terms of the ethnic diversification they produced & the racial conflicts that resulted in the major immigrant-receiving cities, drawing primarily on daily microfilm accounts from the New York Times of racial/ethnic collective action, both violent & nonviolent, in 76 large urban areas. It is theorized that the surge in immigration created collective mobilization among whites against people of color, spurred by increased competition for scarce resources (especially economic opportunities), which often resulted in racial violence. During the first wave, immigrants reshaped the country's ethnic national identity & reinforced the long-standing white/nonwhite racial dichotomy. During the second wave, it is contended that immigration itself, particularly the size of the immigration population, was no longer the primary cause of ethnic conflict; rather, racial diversity caused "white ethnic" immigrants to band together & seek assimilation into the native white population against immigrants of color, further cementing white/nonwhite boundaries. This is demonstrated by the increase in acts of violence against blacks & decrease in those directed at Asians during this second period. Characteristics of racial/ethnic conflicts across both periods are examined, including the size of events, level of violence, degree of organization, & participant groups; the impact of ethnic diversity on racial conflict remained positive & significant, supporting competition theory. Implications for contemporary racial relations are discussed, suggesting that, since racial/ethnic boundaries are maintained by social constructs, based largely on status & power hierarchies, there is the possibility that they can be changed. 5 Tables, 2 Figures, 81 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Explores how urban institutional frameworks have dealt with interethnic relations in light of four significant changes over the last 20 years: greatly increased ethnic diversity; polarization of urban residents along class lines; fewer jobs for persons with low skills; & scaled-back federal support. It is contended that these structural shifts have created fresh interethnic tensions that erupted in serious civil disturbances in New York, Los Angeles, Miami, & Washington, DC, by the early 1990s. Cities differed in how they mediated & reshaped interethnic relations due to their different capacities to respond as well as differing institutional configurations. While cities like Los Angeles relied on the private sector to address interethnic relations, others, including New York, acted through political channels. However, it is maintained that institutional frameworks set the parameters for policy responses in all cases. The implications of these institutional frameworks are discussed in relation to the formation of interethnic coalition building & the integration of new political actors into the political process. 4 Tables, 3 Figures, 41 References. J. Lindroth

Explores how urban institutional frameworks have dealt with interethnic relations in light of four significant changes over the last 20 years: greatly increased ethnic diversity; polarization of urban residents along class lines; fewer jobs for persons with low skills; & scaled-back federal support. It is contended that these structural shifts have created fresh interethnic tensions that erupted in serious civil disturbances in New York, Los Angeles, Miami, & Washington, DC, by the early 1990s. Cities differed in how they mediated & reshaped interethnic relations due to their different capacities to respond as well as differing institutional configurations. While cities like Los Angeles relied on the private sector to address interethnic relations, others, including New York, acted through political channels. However, it is maintained that institutional frameworks set the parameters for policy responses in all cases. The implications of these institutional frameworks are discussed in relation to the formation of interethnic coalition building & the integration of new political actors into the political process. 4 Tables, 3 Figures, 41 References. J. Lindroth

The impact of national identity building & ethnic identity on conflict prevention, resolution & reconciliation is discussed, with particular reference to a study on two ethnic groups in the Crimea, the Russians & the Crimean Taters. The study was carried out in the form of a voluntary opinion poll, from January to May, 2003, in several towns. (N=Russians 408 respondents & Crimean Taters 422 respondents) Respondents were provided with a questionnaire & selected answers from the list. The results of the questionnaire are analyzed in the article & it is concluded that adoption of national identity does not always create common meaning & a sense of unity. Some ethnic minorities use loyalty to nation to accomplish their own goals. National identity can, however, reduce conflict when it is perceived that the state will provide more opportunities & protect the interests of the ethnic group. 1 Table, 1 Figure, 35 References. R. Prince