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The aim of this article is to analyse the Polish authorities' policy towards national and ethnic minorities after 1989, after the collapse of real socialism in Poland. The author gives an overview of the historical and sociopolitical situation of these minorities in Poland. The main point of consideration is the position and functioning of national and ethnic minorities on the basis of law, their political activity in parliamentary and local elections, as well as the attitude of leading Polish political parties towards the issues of national and ethnic minorities. National and ethnic minorities are, by definition, less numerous than the rest of the Polish population, but remain Polish citizens and at the same time are aware of their historical community. The article uses the following methods: descriptive and institutional-legal.

This article raises the issue of how the Russian Federation could benefit from the instrumental use of ethnic heterogeneity to pursue its geopolitical interests. The paper focuses on the recent case of a Polish-Ukrainian historical memory dispute which affected relations between Warsaw and Kyiv. The research focus is on how vulnerable Poland and Ukraine are to Russian active measures which potentially target not only national minorities but also groups of people who are only temporarily present in these states, such as economic migrants and tourists. An analysis is conducted of Russia's geopolitical objectives and its strategy toward Polish-Ukrainian relations in the broader context of the rivalry between Russia and the West. The analysis is conducted within the framework of the neorealist theory of international relations. The case study of specific events discloses how Russia could exacerbate tensions between nations and the role of ethnic heterogeneity in this regard. Against this backdrop, the author shows how Russia may challenge other states of the Euro-Atlantic community with similar active measures.

artykuł w: Wschód Europy : studia humanistyczno-społeczne Vol. 6 (2020), Nr 2, s. 13-30 ; streszczenie w językach polskim, angielski i rosyjskim ; artykuł w: Wschód Europy : studia humanistyczno-społeczne Vol. 6 (2020), Nr 2, s. 13-30 ; streszczenie w językach polskim, angielski i rosyjskim

The aim of the paper was to compare the situation of the Polish minority in the three bordering countries: Lithuania, Latvia and Belarus. Despite similar historical circumstances contemporary groups of Polish minority in the lands of former Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Polish Livonia living in the different socio-economic and political conditioning. This situation affecting their relations with other ethnic groups and state authorities. All of the researched areas – Vilnius region in Lithuania, Latgale region in Latvia, Hrodna region in Belarus – are multicultural. In all, owing to special circumstances of Eastern Slavic-Baltic ethnic borderland, a compact Polish ethnic area was formed. Despite the deportation and postwar emigration of Poles and despite that areas inhabited by them belong to three different states, the Polish population still represents a significant proportion of the population, affecting the local socio-cultural and political life. The analysis of census data and maps indicates the progressive decrease of the Polish population and retreat of Polish ethnic area. However, recent censuses show the vary – depending on the region – processes. In Lithuania the stabilization of the ethnical structure of the population is observed. Despite the hostile attitude of Lithuanian nationalists and state authorities that often remain under their influence, Polish population takes advantage of the civil rule of law to consolidate its assets. In Belarus further melting of Polish ethnic area is observed, associated with a decrease in the number of Poles, both in absolute and relative terms. This can be combined with both the difficult situation of the Polish population in the Soviet period (no schools and other Polish institutions), and the current socio-political situation in Belarus. Under Lukashenka's dictatorial rule the Polish minority action is merely tolerated. Government support the policy of the tsarist and Soviet authorities, under which local Poles were considered as regional (Catholic) branch of the Belarusian people. Paradoxically, the relatively best situation concern the Polish population in Latvia, where Polish community is the least numerous, both in absolute and relative terms. The clear revival of Polish socio-cultural, and even increasing participation of Poles in some areas, can be observed. The Latvian authorities are positively oriented to the Polish socio-cultural initiatives, seeing the Polish movement as a counterweight to the demographic dominance of East Slavic population (Russians, Belarusians, and Ukrainians) in the south-eastern part of the country. ; Pomimo podobnych uwarunkowań historycznych mniejszość polska, zamieszkująca tereny dawnego Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego i Inflant Polskich, w zależności od miejsca zamieszkania (Litwa, Łotwa, Białoruś) znajduje się w odmiennej sytuacji społeczno-gospodarczej i polityczno- -ustrojowej. Odciska się to na relacjach mniejszości polskiej z innymi grupami etnicznymi oraz władzami państwowymi. Analiza sytuacji sugeruje, iż pod wieloma względami najlepsze warunki dla pielęgnowania swojej odrębności (pomimo niewielkiej liczebności) ma mniejszość polska na Łotwie. Na przeciwległym krańcu, choć najliczniejsza, znajduje się mniejszość polska na Białorusi.

The article analyses the current situation in Estonia and Lithuania in the context of the position of both states and their public relations strategy and image since 1991, as well as the role of national minorities in this process. The authors emphasize that even though Estonia and Lithuania tend to be treated as very similar state organisms, they chose different ways of building their legal and democratic structures. Despite many similarities between the two states, such as location, size, small population, common historical background and, above all, ethnic divisions, one should pay attention to successful attempts to strengthen the statehood of Estonia and Lithuania.

The leading goal of this paper is to attempt to answer the question whether gender and ethnic origin have an influence on the international professional career of an individual. Since 1989 Poland has been affected by the changes taking place worldwide in the wake of rampant globalisation. The country's accession to the European Union has opened new labour markets, an opportunity that Polish people are eagerly taking advantage of. At the same time, Poland has become home to international corporations, which have transformed its economy to a considerable extent. These processes involve the active participation of women. Their social position, professional opportunities, as well as related expectations and challenges have undergone a substantial change. The first part contains an overview of literature on gender and ethnic origin and discusses the most significant concepts related to culture and its dimensions according to G. Hofstede, as well as with culturally-conditioned social roles. The second part presents the results of the author's research on the influence of gender and ethnic origin on international professional career, taking into account the research method applied. The final part indicates possible practical implications and potential directions for further research. (fragment of the text) ; Głównym celem artykułu jest próba odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy płeć i pochodzenie etniczne mają wpływ na przebieg międzynarodowej kariery zawodowej jednostki. W nurt zmian zachodzących na świecie, związanych z postępującą globalizacją, Polacy włączyli się po 1989 r. Wejście Polski do Unii Europejskiej otworzyło nowe rynki pracy, z czego Polacy chętnie korzystają. Jednocześnie do Polski przybyły korporacje międzynarodowe, w zasadniczy sposób zmieniając sposób dotychczasowego modelu funkcjonowania gospodarki. W procesach tych aktywnie uczestniczą kobiety. Ich pozycja społeczna, możliwości zawodowe i związane z tym oczekiwania oraz napotykane wyzwania uległy zasadniczej zmianie. W części pierwszej dokonano przeglądu ...

W niniejszym artykule autor analizuje procesy kształtowania się politycznych systemów w państwach Kaukazu Południowego. Wskazuje przy tym na patologiczne zjawiska funkcjonujące w elitach władzy oraz w systemach politycznych tych państw. Analizie poddane zostały także konflikty w Górskim Karabachu, Abchazji i Osetii Południowej, które nadal dominują w życiu politycznym Armenii, Azerbejdżanu i Gruzji. Są podstawą ideologii i programów politycznych elit walczących o władzę, a także znacząco wpływają na styl przywództwa. W politycznej walce znaczącą rolę odgrywały elity wojskowe, które szybko awansowały na szczyt władzy. Autor próbuje wyjaśnić, jak konflikty w Górskim Karabachu, Abchazji i Osetii Południowej wpływają na proces transformacji ustrojowej państw regionu. Kolejnym aspektem analizy jest odpowiedź na pytanie, jak tradycja, kultura, psychologia, styl życia i interesy politycznych elit Armenii, Azerbejdżanu i Gruzji wpływają na rezultaty pokojowego uregulowania konfliktów. ; The Author analyses proces of the formation of political regimes in Southern Caucasus. He points to the pathological phenomena in the functioning of power elites and political regimes of those states. The Author analyses the influence of conflict in Nagorno Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia on the domestic and foreign policy of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. He proves that the described conflict for many years dominated in the political life of this country and was a basis of the ideology and the programs of elites struggling for power. In the struggle of the elites, the military elites played the main role, while being an important path to advancement to the peaks of power. The author tries to explain the influence of the Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia question on political transformation of the states in conflict. Another important thread of the analysis is to search answers to the question, how tradition, culture, psychology, life styles and political interests of elites in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia affect the course and the effects of a peacemaking process aimed solving the Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

This article explores current issues of minority education in China, especially in the context of religion and language education. In the first part of the article, the author describes (1) cultural and political framework of Chinese education in general and (2) current educational conditions, also discussing differences in educational attainment for minority groups in China. The second part of the article presents the situation of minority religions, which is not really recognised in state schooling in China. The author shows educational examples from the Tibet region and from Muslim education. The third part of the article explores another major challenge related to ethnic minority schooling, which is language diversity. In the final part of the paper, the author tries to comment on Chinese minority education dilemmas and concludes with some social recommendations. ; This article explores current issues of minority education in China, especially in the context of religion and language education. In the first part of the article, the author describes (1) cultural and political framework of Chinese education in general and (2) current educational conditions, also discussing differences in educational attainment for minority groups in China. The second part of the article presents the situation of minority religions, which is not really recognised in state schooling in China. The author shows educational examples from the Tibet region and from Muslim education. The third part of the article explores another major challenge related to ethnic minority schooling, which is language diversity. In the final part of the paper, the author tries to comment on Chinese minority education dilemmas and concludes with some social recommendations.

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