An Evaluative Study Of The European Commission Report On "Television Without Frontiers"
In: Ankara Üniversitesi SBF dergisi, Volume 44, Issue 3, p. 1
ISSN: 1309-1034
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In: Ankara Üniversitesi SBF dergisi, Volume 44, Issue 3, p. 1
ISSN: 1309-1034
Türkiye-AB ilişkilerinin Türkiye 2005 İlerleme Raporu açısından ele alındığı bu makalede, Türkiye'nin üyeliğinin Birlik üzerinde meydana getireceği sosyal, jeopolitik ve kültürel etkiler anlatılmaktadır. 2005 Türkiye İlerleme Raporu, daha önceki raporlarla büyük ölçüde aynıdır. Rapor, Birlik ile Türkiye arasındaki ilişkileri tanımlamakta, üyelik için siyasi kriterler açısından durumu incelemekte; üyelik için ekonomik kriterler açısından Türkiye'nin durumunu ve geleceğini değerlendirmekte; Türkiye'nin üyelik yükümlülüklerini, diğer bir deyişle, Antlaşmalar, ikincil mevzuat ve Birlik politikaları olarak tanımlanan müktesebatı üstlenme kapasitesini gözden geçirmekte; Türkiye'nin Katılım Ortaklığı Belgesindeki önceliklerini ne ölçüde yerine getirdiğini kısaca incelemektedir. ; The article, in which the relations between Turkey and the Union are analysed from Turkey 2005 Progress Reportperspective, focuses on the social, political and cultural influences of the Turkish membership on the Union. The structure of the Turkey 2005 Progress Report is largely the same as that used in previous years. The report: describes the relations between Turkey and the Union; analyses the situation in respect of the political criteria for membership; assesses Turkey's situation and prospects in respect of the economic criteria for membership; reviews Turkey's capacity to assume the obligations of membership, that is, the acquis as expressed in the Treaties, the secondary legislation, and the policies of the Union; briefly examines the extent to which Turkey has addressed the Accession Partnership priorities.
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26 września 2017 r. formalnie zakończył się okres obowiązywania decyzji o relokacji osób będących w oczywistej potrzebie ochrony międzynarodowej. Z przewidzianych 160 tysięcy, relokacji poddano do tego czasu nieco ponad 29 tysięcy osób. Przy zastosowaniu metody analizy prawnej oraz analizy decyzyjnej, w artykule podjęto próbę odpowiedzi na następujące pytania badawcze: (1) co było przyczyną odmowy dokonania relokacji przez niektóre państwa członkowskie?; (2) jakie działania podejmowała Komisja Europejska chcąc nakłonić państwa do wypełnienia zobowiązań prawnych?; (3) jakie konsekwencje pociąga za sobą odmowa dokonania relokacji osób, będących w potrzebie ochrony międzynarodowej?. W artykule analizie poddano cykliczne sprawozdania Komisji Europejskiej z funkcjonowania nadzwyczajnego, czasowego mechanizmu relokacji. W toku poprowadzonych rozważań wskazano przyczyny niewywiązywania się przez państwa członkowskie z prawnych zobowiązań oraz przyczyny braku woli dokonania rzeczywistej reformy polityki azylowej i imigracyjnej. Udowodniono, że wyrażone w traktatach zobowiązanie do wspólnych, solidarnych działań w obliczu kryzysów ustąpiło miejsca partykularnym dążeniom do wzmocnienia ochrony terytoriów państwowych. ; On September 26, 2017, the decisions concerning the relocation of persons in clear need of international protection formally ceased to bind. Until that time, out of 160,000 persons, only 29,000 have been relocated. With the application of two academic methods (that of legal analysis and analysis of political decisions), the following research questions are addressed in this paper: (1) what were the reasons of some member states to refuse relocation?; (2) what actions have been taken by the European Commission to persuade member states to fulfill their legal obligations?; (3) what are the consequences of non-compliance with legal obligations to relocate persons in need of international protection? The paper presents an analysis of the European Commission's monthly reports on relocation. The reasons for member states' non-compliance with their legal obligations and for their reluctance to reform the EU asylum and immigration policy have been pointed out. The analysis demonstrates that EU member states have given priority to state security, setting aside the principle of solidarity and fair sharing of responsibility in migration and asylum policies, stipulated in EU treaties.
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On September 26, 2017, the decisions concerning the relocation of persons in clear need of international protection formally ceased to bind. Until that time, out of 160,000 persons, only 29,000 have been relocated. With the application of two academic methods (that of legal analysis and analysis of political decisions), the following research questions are addressed in this paper: (1) what were the reasons of some member states to refuse relocation?; (2) what actions have been taken by the European Commission to persuade member states to fulfill their legal obligations?; (3) what are the consequences of non-compliance with legal obligations to relocate persons in need of international protection? The paper presents an analysis of the European Commission's monthly reports on relocation. The reasons for member states' non-compliance with their legal obligations and for their reluctance to reform the EU asylum and immigration policy have been pointed out. The analysis demonstrates that EU member states have given priority to state security, setting aside the principle of solidarity and fair sharing of responsibility in migration and asylum policies, stipulated in EU treaties. ; 26 września 2017 r. formalnie zakończył się okres obowiązywania decyzji o relokacji osób będących w oczywistej potrzebie ochrony międzynarodowej. Z przewidzianych 160 tysięcy, relokacji poddano do tego czasu nieco ponad 29 tysięcy osób. Przy zastosowaniu metody analizy prawnej oraz analizy decyzyjnej, w artykule podjęto próbę odpowiedzi na następujące pytania badawcze: (1) co było przyczyną odmowy dokonania relokacji przez niektóre państwa członkowskie?; (2) jakie działania podejmowała Komisja Europejska chcąc nakłonić państwa do wypełnienia zobowiązań prawnych?; (3) jakie konsekwencje pociąga za sobą odmowa dokonania relokacji osób, będących w potrzebie ochrony międzynarodowej?. W artykule analizie poddano cykliczne sprawozdania Komisji Europejskiej z funkcjonowania nadzwyczajnego, czasowego mechanizmu relokacji. W toku poprowadzonych rozważań wskazano przyczyny niewywiązywania się przez państwa członkowskie z prawnych zobowiązań oraz przyczyny braku woli dokonania rzeczywistej reformy polityki azylowej i imigracyjnej. Udowodniono, że wyrażone w traktatach zobowiązanie do wspólnych, solidarnych działań w obliczu kryzysów ustąpiło miejsca partykularnym dążeniom do wzmocnienia ochrony terytoriów państwowych.
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Services of general interest form an essential element of the European model of society as a way to increase quality of life and to overcome social exclusion and isolation. They are also at the core of the public debate touching the central question of the role public authorities and the institutions of the European Union play in a market economy. The competencies and responsibilities conferred by the Treaty, the EU regulations and directives lay emphasis on the essential role and the wide discretion of national, regional and local authorities in defining, organizing, financing and monitoring services of general interest. The same time the EU Law provide the European Commission with a wide range of means of action to ensure the compliance of the process of organizing and financing such services according to a comprehensive regulatory regime at Community level to make them compatible with the internal market and to prevent a distortion of the competition rules. The paper indicates divergences of the points of view of public authorities and the Commission on their role, shared responsibility and powers in that process. ; Usługi użyteczności publicznej stanowią zasadniczy element modelu europejskiego, służąc polepszeniu jakości życia i przezwyciężeniu społecznego wykluczenia i izolacji. Pozostają również w centrum publicznej debaty co do roli, jaką w gospodarce rynkowej odgrywają władze publiczne państw członkowskich i instytucje Unii Europejskiej. Kompetencje i obowiązki określone przez Traktat oraz unijne rozporządzenia i dyrektywy podkreślają zasadniczą rolę i szeroki zakres swobody krajowych, regionalnych i lokalnych organów władzy w definiowaniu, organizowaniu, finansowaniu i monitorowaniu usług użyteczności publicznej. Jednocześnie prawo unijne wyposaża Komisję Europejską w liczne instrumenty mające zapewnić zgodność procesu organizowania i finansowania tego typu usług z ogólnym reżimem prawnym Unii – tak, aby uczynić je kompatybilnymi z jej rynkiem wewnętrznym i zapobiec zakłóceniu konkurencji. Artykuł wskazuje na rozbieżności w punktach widzenia władz publicznych i Komisji na ich rolę oraz podział odpowiedzialności i władzy w tym procesie.
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Services of general interest form an essential element of the European model of society as a way to increase quality of life and to overcome social exclusion and isolation. They are also at the core of the public debate touching the central question of the role public authorities and the institutions of the European Union play in a market economy. The competencies and responsibilities conferred by the Treaty, the EU regulations and directives lay emphasis on the essential role and the wide discretion of national, regional and local authorities in defining, organizing, financing and monitoring services of general interest. The same time the EU Law provide the European Commission with a wide range of means of action to ensure the compliance of the process of organizing and financing such services according to a comprehensive regulatory regime at Community level to make them compatible with the internal market and to prevent a distortion of the competition rules. The paper indicates divergences of the points of view of public authorities and the Commission on their role, shared responsibility and powers in that process. ; Usługi użyteczności publicznej stanowią zasadniczy element modelu europejskiego, służąc polepszeniu jakości życia i przezwyciężeniu społecznego wykluczenia i izolacji. Pozostają również w centrum publicznej debaty co do roli, jaką w gospodarce rynkowej odgrywają władze publiczne państw członkowskich i instytucje Unii Europejskiej. Kompetencje i obowiązki określone przez Traktat oraz unijne rozporządzenia i dyrektywy podkreślają zasadniczą rolę i szeroki zakres swobody krajowych, regionalnych i lokalnych organów władzy w definiowaniu, organizowaniu, finansowaniu i monitorowaniu usług użyteczności publicznej. Jednocześnie prawo unijne wyposaża Komisję Europejską w liczne instrumenty mające zapewnić zgodność procesu organizowania i finansowania tego typu usług z ogólnym reżimem prawnym Unii – tak, aby uczynić je kompatybilnymi z jej rynkiem wewnętrznym i zapobiec zakłóceniu konkurencji. Artykuł wskazuje na rozbieżności w punktach widzenia władz publicznych i Komisji na ich rolę oraz podział odpowiedzialności i władzy w tym procesie.
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Due to the dominant role of coal in the structure of energy production and the high dependence on gas imports from the Russian Federation and together with politicization of economic relations with this country, Poland is particularly exposed to the unfavorable influence of some European Commission's policies and initiatives in regards to energy policy. The paper has shown that they mainly concern the gas market and climate protection and include, first of all, the drive to increase the supply of Russian gas to the European Union and to reduce CO2 emissions by energy producers. The reciprocal links between these policies and initiatives and the economic and political interests of Poland have been presented. The conclusions drawn from this paper may include the possible negative effects of these links and proposals how to direct our country's energy policy in order to limit or avoid these effects. ; Ze względu na dominującą rolę węgla w strukturze wytwarzania energii oraz dużą zależność od importu gazu z Federacji Rosyjskiej, a także na upolitycznienie relacji gospodarczych z tym krajem, Polska jest narażona w sposób szczególny na niekorzystny wpływ niektórych działań i inicjatyw z zakresu polityki energetycznej, proponowanych przez Komisję Europejską. W artykule wykazano, że dotyczą one głównie rynku gazu i ochrony klimatu i obejmują w pierwszej kolejności dążenie do wzrostu dostaw rosyjskiego gazu do Unii Europejskiej oraz do ograniczenia emisji CO2 przez producentów energii. Przedstawiono wzajemne sprzężenia zachodzące między tymi działaniami i inicjatywami a gospodarczymi i politycznymi interesami Polski. Sformułowane wnioski obejmują możliwe negatywne skutki tych sprzężeń oraz propozycje ukierunkowania polityki energetycznej naszego kraju, które pozwolą na ograniczenie lub uniknięcie tych skutków.
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DergiPark: 326439 ; trakyasobed ; Democracy, good governance and the rule of law are the determinants of global and local security. The global integration is the diffusion of political, social and economic relationships between countries, coexistence of different cultures and religions in an integrated way, and spreading of the spiritual and material values across national borders to the world. In this context, the best example that can be given for such an integration is the European Union (EU). The economic advancement in developing countries may not start in all regions of the country at the same time and the subsequent development concentrates in certain areas. Hence, regional disparities emerge. In order to eradicate its own regional disparaties the EU has formed the EU Regional Policy. Through the Structural Funds that have been formed as part of this policy, various assistance to the regions in need are provided, and some of such assistance takes place as donations. Since Turkey is not a full member of the EU it cannot benefit from the Structural Funds for the time being. However, it can implement the grant programmes within the context of the Pre-accession Financial Corporation Programme. Even the results do not require us to be pessimistic, they emphasize the need to work much harder. They indicate that the negotiations for full membership will not only be about political issues, but also will undergo harder in Acquis Titles ; Demokrasi, iyi yönetişim ve hukukun üstünlüğü; küresel ve bölgesel güvenliğin düzenleyicileridirler. Küresel bütünleşme, ülkeler arasında siyasi, sosyal, ekonomik ilişkilerin yaygınlaşması, farklı kültür ve inançların entegre olmuş şekilde birlikte yaşamaları, maddi ve manevi değerlerin ulusal sınırları aşarak dünyaya yayılması demektir. Bu bağlamda böyle bir bütünleşmeye verilecek en güzel örnek; Avrupa Birliği'dir (AB). Kalkınma süreci yaşayan ülkelerde ekonomik gelişme, ülkenin tüm bölgelerinde aynı anda başlayamayabilir ve sonucunda ortaya çıkan gelişme belirli noktalarda yoğunlaşır. Neticesinde bölgesel farklılaşmalar meydana gelir. AB, kendi içinde yaşadığı bölgesel farklılıkları ortadan kaldırmak için AB Bölgesel Politikası'nı oluşturmuştur. Bu politika kapsamında geliştirilen Yapısal Fonlar aracılığıyla, ihtiyaç duyulan bölgelere çeşitli yardımlar yapılmakta, bu yardımlardan bazıları hibe programları ile gerçekleştirmektedir. Türkiye tam üye olmadığı için Yapısal Fonlar'dan şimdilik yararlanamamaktadır. Katılım Öncesi Mali Yardım Programı kapsamında geliştirilen hibe programlarını ise uygulayabilmektedir. Sonuçlar kötümser olmamızı gerektirmese de daha çok çalışmamız gerektiğini vurgulamaktadır. Tam üyelik müzakerelerinin sadece siyasi olaylarla değil, müktesebat başlıklarında daha çetin geçeceğinin sinyallerini vermektedir
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Celem artykułu jest zbadanie, w jaki sposób Komisja Europejska nadzorowała implementację równościowego i antydyskryminacyjnego prawa UE w latach 2002–2015. W badaniujako perspektywę teoretyczną przyjęto teorię europeizacji. Analizy przeprowadzono w oparciu o dane ilościowe. Badanie wykazało, że Komisja nadzorując implementację równościowego i antydyskryminacyjnego prawa UE wychodziła z roli egzekutora nakładającego sankcje i chętnie toczyła dialog z państwami członkowskimi. Badanie ujawniło ponadto preferencje Komisji,tzn. większe zainteresowanie dwoma dyrektywami (2000/43/WE i 2000/78/WE) oraz mniejszą skłonność do patrzenia na naruszenia zasady równości i niedyskryminacji z perspektywy ekonomicznej, a bardziej ujmowanie ich w kategorii pogwałcenia praw jednostki. Przeprowadzone badanie pokazało ponadto, że w nadzorowaniu implementacji równościowego i antydyskryminacyjnego ustawodawstwa UE można odnaleźć elementy governance, do których zaliczyć należy współpracę z partnerami zewnętrznymi (sieci ekspertów) posiadającymi zasoby (informację), których brakuje Komisji, a które są niezbędne do prowadzenia kontroli. ; The main research problem of the article consists in a question on the method of supervising implementation of equality and anti-discrimination law by the European Commission in the years 2002–2015. The study showed that the Commission, overseeing implementation of the equality and anti-discrimination law of the EU, used to come out of the role of "the guardian of the treaties" and was discussing problems of infringements in dialogue with Member States. The survey also revealed preferences of the Commission, i.e. greater interest in the two directives (2000/43/EC and 2000/78/EC), and less likely to look at the infringement of the principle of equality and non-discrimination from an economic perspective but more in terms of violation of individual rights. Moreover the study revealed that elements of governance could be found in Commission's activity, namely cooperation with external partners (network of experts) who had resources (information) that the Commission needed for the inspection. Analysis was based onthe quantitative data. The theory of Europeanization has been applied to the analysis.
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Celem artykułu jest zbadanie, w jaki sposób Komisja Europejska nadzorowała implemetację równościowego i antydyskryminacyjnego prawa UE w latach 2002–2015. W badaniu jako perspektywę teoretyczną przyjęto teorię europeizacji. Analizy przeprowadzono w oparciu o dane ilościowe. Badanie wykazało, że Komisja nadzorując implementację równościowego i antydyskryminacyjnego prawa UE wychodziła z roli egzekutora nakładającego sankcje i chętnie toczyła dialog z państwami członkowskimi. Badanie ujawniło ponadto preferencje Komisji, tzn. większe zainteresowanie dwoma dyrektywami (2000/43/WE i 2000/78/WE) oraz mniejszą skłonność do patrzenia na naruszenia zasady równości i niedyskryminacji z perspektywy ekonomicznej, a bardziej ujmowanie ich w kategorii pogwałcenia praw jednostki. Przeprowadzone badanie pokazało ponadto, że w nadzorowaniu implementacji równościowego i antydyskryminacyjnego ustawodawstwa UE można odnaleźć elementy governance, do których zaliczyć należy współpracę z partnerami zewnętrznymi (sieci ekspertów) posiadającymi zasoby (informację), których brakuje Komisji, a które są niezbędne do prowadzenia kontroli. ; The main research problem of the article consists in a question on the method of supervising implementation of equality and anti-discrimination law by the European Commission in the years 2002–2015. The study showed that the Commission, overseeing implementation of the equality and anti-discrimination law of the EU, used to come out of the role of "the guardian of the treaties" and was discussing problems of infringements in dialogue with Member States. The survey also revealed preferences of the Commission, i.e. greater interest in the two directives (2000/43/EC and 2000/78/EC), and less likely to look at the infringement of the principle of equality and non-discrimination from an economic perspective but more in terms of violation of individual rights. Moreover the study revealed that elements of governance could be found in Commission's activity, namely cooperation with external partners (network of experts) who had resources (information) that the Commission needed for the inspection. Analysis was based on the quantitative data. The theory of Europeanization has been applied to the analysis.
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October 2015 marked the tenth anniversary of the official onset of the accession negotiations between Turkey and the European Union. The outcome of the talks, however, has so far been more than modest. The negotiations have encompassed fourteen out of 35 fields, leading to the closure, albeit only preliminary, of only one field. Croatia started negotiations in the same year and has been EU member state for two years now. In the Turkish case, the end of the talks is nowhere to be seen, and the more time goes by the less likely it seems for Turkey to become a legitimate participant of a European integration process. The EU Commission continues to present a number of reservations as concerns the progress of Turkey on its path to accession. The aim of this paper is to attempt to find an answer to the question whether the catalogue of reservations brought up by the EU Commission in terms of the political criteria to be met by Turkey has changed after the nine years of negotiations. By this token it will become possible to determine the progress Turkey has made as concerns those political criteria, both quantitatively and qualitatively. ; October 2015 marked the tenth anniversary of the official onset of the accession negotiations between Turkey and the European Union. The outcome of the talks, however, has so far been more than modest. The negotiations have encompassed fourteen out of 35 fields, leading to the closure, albeit only preliminary, of only one field. Croatia started negotiations in the same year and has been EU member state for two years now. In the Turkish case, the end of the talks is nowhere to be seen, and the more time goes by the less likely it seems for Turkey to become a legitimate participant of a European integration process. The EU Commission continues to present a number of reservations as concerns the progress of Turkey on its path to accession. The aim of this paper is to attempt to find an answer to the question whether the catalogue of reservations brought up by the EU Commission in terms of the political criteria to be met by Turkey has changed after the nine years of negotiations. By this token it will become possible to determine the progress Turkey has made as concerns those political criteria, both quantitatively and qualitatively.
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W październiku 2015 roku minęło 10 lat od oficjalnego otwarcia negocjacji członkowskich pomiędzy Turcją i Unią Europejską. Bilans dotychczasowych rozmów jest jednak wyjątkowo skromny. Otwarto rokowania w ramach 14 z 35 obszarów negocjacyjnych, natomiast zamknięto, i to jedynie tymczasowo, w przypadku zaledwie jednego. Chorwacja, która rozpoczynała negocjacje w tym samym roku, od dwóch lat jest państwem członkowskim UE. Z kolei w przypadku Turcji końca rozmów nie widać, a wraz z upływem czasu maleje prawdopodobieństwo, iż państwo to kiedykolwiek stanie się pełnoprawnym uczestnikiem procesu integracji europejskiej. Komisja Europejska wciąż przedstawia szereg zastrzeżeń odnośnie postępów Turcji na drodze do członkostwa. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest znalezienie odpowiedzi na pytanie czy katalog zastrzeżeń zgłaszanych przez Komisję Europejską, dotyczących spełniania przez Turcję kryteriów politycznych, uległ zmianie po upływie 9 lat. Dzięki temu możliwe będzie ustalenie postępów Turcji w obszarze kryteriów politycznych, zarówno pod względem ilościowym, jak i jakościowym. ; October 2015 marked the tenth anniversary of the official onset of the accession negotiations between Turkey and the European Union. The outcome of the talks, however, has so far been more than modest. The negotiations have encompassed fourteen out of 35 fields, leading to the closure, albeit only preliminary, of only one field. Croatia started negotiations in the same year and has been EU member state for two years now. In the Turkish case, the end of the talks is nowhere to be seen, and the more time goes by the less likely it seems for Turkey to become a legitimate participant of a European integration process. The EU Commission continues to present a number of reservations as concerns the progress of Turkey on its path to accession. The aim of this paper is to attempt to find an answer to the question whether the catalogue of reservations brought up by the EU Commission in terms of the political criteria to be met by Turkey has changed after the nine years of negotiations. By this token it will become possible to determine the progress Turkey has made as concerns those political criteria, both quantitatively and qualitatively.
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In: Studia z polityki publicznej: Public policy studies, Volume 2, Issue 1, p. 29-46
ISSN: 2719-7131
Public deliberation mechanisms play an important role in the process of the EU public policy making because they are to compensate the shortage of representative democracy. One of them is social consultation carried out mainly by the European Commission. The paper consists of the analysis of open public consultation role in designing and implementing the EU sector policies. Their growing importance and frequency of use with regard to the economic policy and its kinds is clearly visible. The aims of such consultations are various. They are primarily used as an instrument of legitimacy of decisions taken by the Commission as well as an important source of information about the stakeholders' opinions and stance. The case of social consultations concerning the transatlantic agreement TTIP is analysed here in detail due to the significance of social mass protests which used to occur and owing to the imp
The thesis aims to describe the process of European integration in the social and economic fields. The increase in the social participation of non-Governmental Organisations in the work of the European Union and the strengthening of their positions by EU instruments have resulted from the implementation of the assumptions of the so-called Lisbon Strategy. The main assumption of the presented considerations is to show the process of the formation of new European Union regulations. The reason for initiating legislative activities for charity outside the borders of the EU countries is the number of judgements of the European Court of Justice forbidding discrimination againstorganisations from different EU countries. The thesis aims to present the results of analyses obtained under the Feasibility Study commissioned by the European Commission, public consultations and the role of the opinion of the European Economic and Social Committee on the ongoing legislative process. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim
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Ten years after Poland's accession to the European Union it seems right to ask the question: is our country a subject or an object in the political game in Brussels? Is our position strong enough to effectively influence the decision-making mechanisms in the European Union? Or maybe what some say about Poland's position in the EU is true and our country is indeed "playing out of its league? In an attempt to contribute to answering these questions, in this text the author tries to identify the factors which may have had an impact on the election of Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk for the President of the European Council. The aim of the conducted cognitive process is also to perform an initial analysis of the visible results of this move, both for the institutional system of the European Union and for the way in which public decisions are shaped within the organization.The author also tries to identify the most significant challenges the Union has to face, as seen from the perspective of the President of the European Council. One might hope that this will be a good starting point for learning about the mechanism of forming political decisions in the EU, which will also find their place in the hereby publication as part of an extended analysis.
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