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Die Vorbereitungen laufen bereits viele Jahre, nun liegt er endlich vor: der Entwurf der Europäischen Kommission für ein Gemeinsames Europäisches Kaufrecht als Optionales Instrument. Beteiligte an den Vorarbeiten und wichtige Kritiker derselben setzen sich in diesem höchst empfehlenswerten Buch mit dem Kommissionsentwurf auseinander. Wie wird die Harmonisierung des europäischen Vertragsrechts durch den Entwurf vorangetrieben? Wie "schlägt" sich der Entwurf im Vergleich zum BGB, zum DCFR oder zu den Acquis-Principles? Beleuchtet werden insbesondere Irrtumsanfechtung, AGB-Kontrolle, allgemeines und besonderes Leistungsstörungsrecht beim Kauf und bei verbundenen Dienstleistungen sowie übergreifende Fragestellungen zum Verbraucherrecht. Der Band wird abgerundet durch eine Synopse des Kommissionsentwurfs und der vorangegangenen Machbarkeitsstudie, in der die Entwicklung des Textes deutlich wird.

This paper is an attempt to analyse European leadership and the role played by a reunited Germany in the European Union. The author proposes five fundamental theses: 1) the reunification of Germany ruined the balance of power in Europe; 2) the Eastern enlargement of NATO and the EU has moved the zone of political and military influence of the USA to the line of the Bug river; 3) the Germans have confirmed their position as a European power; 4) the foreign policy of Angela Merkel is a continuation of Gerhard Schroder's policy, meaning a transfer of the focus from European policy to prioritising German national interests; 5) the German issue has remained open. ; This paper is an attempt to analyse European leadership and the role played by a reunited Germany in the European Union. The author proposes five fundamental theses: 1) the reunification of Germany ruined the balance of power in Europe; 2) the Eastern enlargement of NATO and the EU has moved the zone of political and military influence of the USA to the line of the Bug river; 3) the Germans have confirmed their position as a European power; 4) the foreign policy of Angela Merkel is a continuation of Gerhard Schroder's policy, meaning a transfer of the focus from European policy to prioritising German national interests; 5) the German issue has remained open.

The article concerns the idea as well as the form of international cooperation between states and international organizations, illustrated by the example of the relationship between the European Union and the Pacific region. There is some useful literature on the subject but this needs be to completed. The influences of the world's leaders collide on the Pacific Ocean, which gives this area primacy in geopolitical domination, slowly downgrading the Atlantic Community. The main purpose of the paper is, therefore, to research the possibilities and methods of legal and extrajudicial cooperation betweentwo continents which are very distant from each other. This work underlines the difference between official policy, presented by the regional intergovernmental organizations, and the individual policies of member states, who are not tied down by Brussels politics and may maintain their own foreign relations. ; The article concerns the idea as well as the form of international cooperation between states and international organizations, illustrated by the example of the relationship between the European Union and the Pacific region. There is some useful literature on the subject but this needs be to completed. The influences of the world's leaders collide on the Pacific Ocean, which gives this area primacy in geopolitical domination, slowly downgrading the Atlantic Community. The main purpose of the paper is, therefore, to research the possibilities and methods of legal and extrajudicial cooperation between two continents which are very distant from each other. This work underlines the difference between official policy, presented by the regional intergovernmental organizations, and the individual policies of member states, who are not tied down by Brussels politics and may maintain their own foreign relations.

In multiculturalism, "exit", or to be more precise, "right to exit" is very often thought of in terms of a condition of state's non-interference in the minority groups. However popular, this account seems to be flawed with a number of controversial assumptions, questionable theoretical and practical implications and can lead to significant paradoxes. First of all, treating "exit" as a state's non-interventionism condition also means that in fact representatives of minority groups should actually leave their communities in order to obtain all of the civil rights and liberties – be treated as "full", not "partial" citizens. Various other problems connected with this account (i.a. the issue of general function of "right to exit" and civil rights and liberties or mutual relations between these two categories) presented and discussed in the paper justify a proposal of change of approach towards concept of "exit". Either one should take really seriously the assumed normative character of it and construct a whole separate theory of "right to exit" from scratch, or maybe one should simply stop treating leaving one's oppressive culture in terms of "right" or "freedom" and understand it only in descriptive manner. ; In multiculturalism, "exit", or to be more precise, "right to exit" is very often thought of in terms of a condition of state's non-interference in the minority groups. However popular, this account seems to be flawed with a number of controversial assumptions, questionable theoretical and practical implications and can lead to significant paradoxes. First of all, treating "exit" as a state's non-interventionism condition also means that in fact representatives of minority groups should actually leave their communities in order to obtain all of the civil rights and liberties – be treated as "full", not "partial" citizens. Various other problems connected with this account (i.a. the issue of general function of "right to exit" and civil rights and liberties or mutual relations between these two categories) presented and discussed in the paper justify a proposal of change of approach towards concept of "exit". Either one should take really seriously the assumed normative character of it and construct a whole separate theory of "right to exit" from scratch, or maybe one should simply stop treating leaving one's oppressive culture in terms of "right" or "freedom" and understand it only in descriptive manner.

In multiculturalism, "exit", or to be more precise, "right to exit" is very often thought of in terms of a condition of state's non-interference in the minority groups. However popular, this account seems to be flawed with a number of controversial assumptions, questionable theoretical and practical implications and can lead to significant paradoxes. First of all, treating "exit" as a state's non-interventionism condition also means that in fact representatives of minority groups should actually leave their communities in order to obtain all of the civil rights and liberties – be treated as "full", not "partial" citizens. Various other problems connected with this account (i.a. the issue of general function of "right to exit" and civil rights and liberties or mutual relations between these two categories) presented and discussed in the paper justify a proposal of change of approach towards concept of "exit". Either one should take really seriously the assumed normative character of it and construct a whole separate theory of "right to exit" from scratch, or maybe one should simply stop treating leaving one's oppressive culture in terms of "right" or "freedom" and understand it only in descriptive manner. ; 3 ; 1 ; 103 ; 124 ; 6 ; Filozofia Publiczna i Edukacja Demokratyczna

The current financial crisis has significantly highlighted the issue of leadership in the European Union. The topic is both timely and worthy of analysis. The author tries to outline the theoretical approach to political leadership with regard to the current political scene in the European Union. A politician has to meet four criteria to be deemed a leader: his decisions are strategic, they exert permanent influence, he has a sufficient political background, and he has the highest position in a given political composition. The author makes the following hypothesis: on the basis of factor analysis (as regards the four factors above) only two current politicians are the true leaders of the EU, namely the Chancellor of Germany, Angela Merkel, and the President of France, Francois Hollande. Both politicians meet the four attributes presented gabove to at least the minimum degree, thus becoming (international) EU leaders. The paper also discusses the issue of distinguishing between an (international) statesman and (international) leader. ; The current financial crisis has significantly highlighted the issue of leadership in the European Union. The topic is both timely and worthy of analysis. The author tries to outline the theoretical approach to political leadership with regard to the current political scene in the European Union. A politician has to meet four criteria to be deemed a leader: his decisions are strategic, they exert permanent influence, he has a sufficient political background, and he has the highest position in a given political composition. The author makes the following hypothesis: on the basis of factor analysis (as regards the four factors above) only two current politicians are the true leaders of the EU, namely the Chancellor of Germany, Angela Merkel, and the President of France, Francois Hollande. Both politicians meet the four attributes presented gabove to at least the minimum degree, thus becoming (international) EU leaders. The paper also discusses the issue of distinguishing between an (international) statesman and (international) leader.

Razvoj Europske unije kao ekonomske zajednice država, rezultirao je i razvojem njezina proračuna – generatora razvoja država ove zajednice. Proračun Europske unije karakterizira složen proces njegova donošenja, počevši od Komisije kao ovlaštene predlagateljice proračuna, preko Vijeća i Europskog parlamenta kao institucija koje vrše njegovo odobrenje, pa sve do Revizorskog suda koji vrši nadzor zakonitosti nad njegovim izvršenjem. Potvrda zakonitog i kvalitetnog izvršenja proračuna Europske unije jest davanje razrješnice Europskog parlamenta. Sredstva proračuna Europske unije čine sredstva koja proračunu doprinose same države članice kroz određeni postotak poreza na dodanu vrijednost, bruto nacionalnog dohotka, carina te brojnih drugih financijskih sredstava, kao što su poljoprivredne pristojbe, a određeni dio sredstava potječe i od donacija i prenesenih viškova. Glede proračunskih rashoda, oni se dijele na obvezne i fakultativne, a usmjereni su na brojne politike koje institucije Europske unije odrede kao strateške. Osim godišnjeg proračuna, Europska unija svoj gospodarski razvoj temelji i na višegodišnjem financijskom okviru koji postavlja dugoročnu perspektivu razvoja strateških politika te smjernice za donošenje godišnjih proračuna. Politike u koje Europska unija preko svoga proračuna ulaže znatna sredstva uglavnom su politike održivog rasta i razvoja, sigurnosti europskog građanstva, te vanjska politika koja djeluje kao jamac regionalne i svjetske sigurnosti, ali određeni dio proračunskih sredstava usmjeren je i na internu rashodovnu stranu administracije. Iako proračun Europske unije podliježe snažnom internom i eksternom nadzoru te omogućava opći razvoj ove zajednice, brojne kritike iziskuju i njegovu reformu na način da ga učine fleksibilnijim i pristupačnijim građanima koji od njega trebaju osjetiti izravniju i učinkovitiju korist. ; The development of the European Union as an economic community of states has resulted in the need for the development of its budget - a generator of development of the states of this community. The European Union budget is characterized by a complex process of adoption, starting from the Commission as the authorized proposer of the budget, through the Council and the European Parliament as the institutions that approve it, to the Court of Auditors, which monitors its legality. Confirmation of the lawful and high-quality execution of the European Union budget is the discharge of the European Parliament. The European Union budget is made up of contributions from the Member States themselves through a certain percentage of value added tax, gross national income, customs duties and a number of other financial resources, such as agricultural levies. Regarding budget expenditures, they are divided into mandatory and optional, and focus on a number of policies identified by the European Union institutions as strategic. In addition to the annual budget, the European Union bases its economic development on a multi-annual financial framework that sets out a long-term perspective for the development of strategic policies and guidelines for the adoption of annual budgets. Policies in which the European Union invests significant funds through its budget are mainly policies of sustainable growth and development, safety of European citizens, foreign policy aspect of the European Union as a guarantor of regional and global security, but a certain part of budget funds is directed to the internal expenditure of the administration. Although the EU budget is subject to strong internal and external scrutiny and allows for the general development of this community, many criticize by requiring its reform for making it more flexible and accessible to citizens who need to benefit from it more directly and effectively.

The development of the European Union as an economic community of states has resulted in the need for the development of its budget - a generator of development of the states of this community. The European Union budget is characterized by a complex process of adoption, starting from the Commission as the authorized proposer of the budget, through the Council and the European Parliament as the institutions that approve it, to the Court of Auditors, which monitors its legality. Confirmation of the lawful and high-quality execution of the European Union budget is the discharge of the European Parliament. The European Union budget is made up of contributions from the Member States themselves through a certain percentage of value added tax, gross national income, customs duties and a number of other financial resources, such as agricultural levies. Regarding budget expenditures, they are divided into mandatory and optional, and focus on a number of policies identified by the European Union institutions as strategic. In addition to the annual budget, the European Union bases its economic development on a multi-annual financial framework that sets out a long-term perspective for the development of strategic policies and guidelines for the adoption of annual budgets. Policies in which the European Union invests significant funds through its budget are mainly policies of sustainable growth and development, safety of European citizens, foreign policy aspect of the European Union as a guarantor of regional and global security, but a certain part of budget funds is directed to the internal expenditure of the administration. Although the EU budget is subject to strong internal and external scrutiny and allows for the general development of this community, many criticize by requiring its reform for making it more flexible and accessible to citizens who need to benefit from it more directly and effectively. ; Razvoj Europske unije kao ekonomske zajednice država, rezultirao je i razvojem njezina proračuna – generatora razvoja država ove zajednice. Proračun Europske unije karakterizira složen proces njegova donošenja, počevši od Komisije kao ovlaštene predlagateljice proračuna, preko Vijeća i Europskog parlamenta kao institucija koje vrše njegovo odobrenje, pa sve do Revizorskog suda koji vrši nadzor zakonitosti nad njegovim izvršenjem. Potvrda zakonitog i kvalitetnog izvršenja proračuna Europske unije jest davanje razrješnice Europskog parlamenta. Sredstva proračuna Europske unije čine sredstva koja proračunu doprinose same države članice kroz određeni postotak poreza na dodanu vrijednost, bruto nacionalnog dohotka, carina te brojnih drugih financijskih sredstava, kao što su poljoprivredne pristojbe, a određeni dio sredstava potječe i od donacija i prenesenih viškova. Glede proračunskih rashoda, oni se dijele na obvezne i fakultativne, a usmjereni su na brojne politike koje institucije Europske unije odrede kao strateške. Osim godišnjeg proračuna, Europska unija svoj gospodarski razvoj temelji i na višegodišnjem financijskom okviru koji postavlja dugoročnu perspektivu razvoja strateških politika te smjernice za donošenje godišnjih proračuna. Politike u koje Europska unija preko svoga proračuna ulaže znatna sredstva uglavnom su politike održivog rasta i razvoja, sigurnosti europskog građanstva, te vanjska politika koja djeluje kao jamac regionalne i svjetske sigurnosti, ali određeni dio proračunskih sredstava usmjeren je i na internu rashodovnu stranu administracije. Iako proračun Europske unije podliježe snažnom internom i eksternom nadzoru te omogućava opći razvoj ove zajednice, brojne kritike iziskuju i njegovu reformu na način da ga učine fleksibilnijim i pristupačnijim građanima koji od njega trebaju osjetiti izravniju i učinkovitiju korist.

The purpose of this text is to present the results of a research in which the author analysed succeeding crisis situations that could constitute the basis for some of the changes in the political system of the EC/EU and subsequently made an attempt to delineate a certain scheme behind such behaviours. It is justified to seek the answer to the following question: What is the underlying reason for introducing changes in such situations and is it possible to pinpoint certain shared elements in different cases?To achieve that goal the author takes a closer look on the "empty chair" crisis, Schengen Area crisis and the recent financial crisis in Europe. In order to confirm the actual value of the conducted research, the author will make an attempt to relate his observations to the current geopolitical situation in Eastern Europe with reference to the EU competences in the existing political system.

The purpose of this text is to present the results of a research in which the author analysed succeeding crisis situations that could constitute the basis for some of the changes in the political system of the EC/EU and subsequently made an attempt to delineate a certain scheme behind such behaviours. It is justified to seek the answer to the following question: What is the underlying reason for introducing changes in such situations and is it possible to pinpoint certain shared elements in different cases?To achieve that goal the author takes a closer look on the "empty chair" crisis, Schengen Area crisis and the recent financial crisis in Europe. In order to confirm the actual value of the conducted research, the author will make an attempt to relate his observations to the current geopolitical situation in Eastern Europe with reference to the EU competences in the existing political system.

Ensuring internal security is one of the core objectives of European integration in the context of the establishment of an area of freedom, security and justice of the European Union (E.U.). The aim of the internal security policy of the E.U. is to support Member States with regard to the maintenance of law and order and the safeguarding of internal security. In the last 20 years in the area of internal security of the E.U. many important initiatives, political agendas and legal instruments at the E.U. level have arisen. This article aims to show the development of the internal security policy of the E.U., its most important guidelines and the challenges in the coming years.

U ovom diplomskom radu na temu "Lisabonski ugovor i Europska unija" govorit ćemo o Ugovoru iz Lisabona kao jednom od Osnivačkih Ugovora Europske unije, ugovoru koji je posljednji donesen na razini Europske unije, ugovoru temeljem kojeg Europska unija u aktualnom obliku postoji te ugovoru koji je trenutno na snazi. Nakon osnovnih teza o Europskoj uniji (definiciji i nekim općim pojmovima), u prvom dijelu rada vidjet ćemo kako je došlo do Ugovora iz Lisabona, te koji su sve Osnivački Ugovori prethodili ovome koji je trenutno na snazi. U samoj razradi rada proći ćemo sve najvažnije aspekte Ugovora, te koliko se zapravo Europska unije mijenjala da bi došla do stanja kakvog je danas tj. po odredbama Ugovora iz Lisabona. Vidjet ćemo da put do Ugovora iz Lisabona nije bilo nimalo lagan, bio je trnovit, pun prepreka i protesta od pojedinih članica, posebice se to odnosi na neuspješni pokušaj Europskog Ustava koji je u pojedinim dijelovima Europe doveo čak i do kaosa. Da donošenje Ugovora nije bilo jednostavno ni bezbolno, dovoljno govori podatak da je, nakon što je potvrđen i ratificiran od strane Parlamenata svih 27 država članica potpisnika Ugovora, stupio na snagu tek dvije godine kasnije, 1. prosinca 2009. Razradom Lisabonskog ugovora praktički, dobit ćemo jedan mali prozor u to kako EU izgleda i funkcionira danas te što je to, u pozitivnom ili negativnom smislu, Europskoj uniji donio Lisabonski ugovor. ; In this dissertation on "Lisbon Treaty and the European Union" we will talk about the Treaty of Lisbon as one of the Founding Treaties of the European Union, the treaty last adopted at the level of the European Union, the treaty under which the European Union exists in its current form and which is currently in force. After the basic theses on the European Union (definition and some general terms), in the first part of the paper we will see how the Treaty of Lisbon came about, and which of the founding treaties preceded the one currently in force. In the elaboration of the paper, we will go through all the most important aspects of the Treaty, and how much the European Union has actually changed in order to reach the state it is today, ie according to the provisions of the Treaty of Lisbon. We will see that the road to the Treaty of Lisbon was not easy at all, it was thorny, full of obstacles and protests from some members, especially the failed attempt of the European Constitution which in some parts of Europe even led to chaos. The fact that the adoption of the Treaty was not simple or painless is sufficiently indicated by the fact that, after being confirmed and ratified by the Parliaments of all 27 signatory Member States, it entered into force only two years later, on 1 December 2009. We will have a small window into how the EU looks and works today and what the Treaty of Lisbon has brought to the European Union, in a positive or negative sense.