Uvod: Željelo se istražiti i usporediti čimbenike koji su potaknuli studente na studij stomatologije uzemljama sličnog okružja (Albanija, Hrvatska i Republika Sjeverna Makedonija) i procijeniti je li se njihova motivacija tijekom godina promijenila ili ne.Materijal i metode: U 2014./2015. Godini provedenasu poprečno-presječna istraživanja (cross-sectional) na državnim stomatološkim fakultetima u Tirani(Albanija), Zagrebu (Hrvatska) i Skoplju (Makedonija) kako bi se procijenilo stajalište studenata o njihovoj motivaciji za karijeru. Dobrovoljno i anonimno sudjelovali su studenti stomatologije s prve, trećei završne godine. Upitnik s pet stavki preveden je na jezike zemalja sudionica. Etičko odobrenje daloje Etičko povjerenstvo Sveučilišta sveti Ćiril i Metod iz Skoplja. Chi kvadrat testom ispitano je postojeli statistički značajne razlike u odgovorima između studenata u trima državama i između godina studija.Rezultati: Ukupno je bilo uključeno 739 ispitanika (319 u Tirani, 211 u Zagrebu i 208 u Skoplju).Razlike u odgovorima studenata prve godine u svim trima zemljama bile su statistički značajne (χ2 = 82,65; p < 0,01). Najintrigantnije je bilo pitanje o pritisku roditelja da studiraju stomatologiju nakoje je najviše pozitivnih odgovora bilo u Tirani (čak 27,7 %). Pozitivna slika bio je najčešći odgovorzagrebačkih studenata (do 79,7 %), ali se smanjuje od prve do posljednje godine u Skoplju. Takođersu postojale značajne razlike između fakulteta unutar trećih i posljednjih godina studija.Zaključci: Pozitivna slika stomatološke profesije bila je glavni razlog za upis na svim trima fakultetima – tako jeodgovorilo čak 97 % studenata na završnoj godini u Hrvatskoj, članici Europske unije (EU). U dvjemadržavama koje nisu članice EU-a (Albanija, Sjeverna Makedonija) činilo se da stomatološka profesi-ja nema tako dobar status, a očekivanja studenata se ne ispunjavaju, posebno u Skoplju (čak 33,9 %spremno je promijeniti zvanje i njih do 64,5 % izgubilo je motivaciju za studij). Jedna od strategija zapoboljšanje stanja mogla bi biti uključivanje više kliničke prakse i bolja organizacija pojedinih studija ; Objective: To investigate and compare the factors that motivated students to study dentistry in countries with similar background (Albania, Croatia and the Republic of Northern Macedonia) and to as-sess whether or not their motivation changed during time. Material and methods: In 2014/2015,cross-sectional studies were conducted in state funded dental schools in Tirana (Albania), Zagreb(Croatia) and Skopje (North Macedonia) to assess student views on their career motivation. All den-tal students from the first, third and final years of study were invited to participate. The participationwas voluntary and anonymous. A five-item questionnaire was translated into languages of the par-ticipating countries. Ethics approval was granted by the Ethics Committee of the University of SaintsCyril and Methodius, Skopje. The Chi square test was used to test if there were statistically significantdifferences in answers between students in 3 countries, furthermore between years of the study.Re-sults: The total number of respondents was 739 (319 in Tirana, 211 in Zagreb and 208 in Skopje) Thedifferences in the answers between the first-year students from all three countries were statistical-ly significant (χ2=82.65; p<.01). The most striking answer was to the question on parents' pressureto study dentistry, which was far more frequent in Tirana (up to 27.7%). A "positive image" was themost frequent response from students from Zagreb (up to 79.7%), but it declined from the first to thefinal year in Skopje. There were also significant differences the schools within the 3rdand final years of study. Conclusions: A positive image of dental profession was the main reason for students studying dentistry at all three schools; as many as 97% of the students of the final year in Croa-tia, a member of the European Union (EU). In the two non-EU countries (Albania, North Macedonia) itseemed that dental profession does not have such good status and student expectations are not be-ing fulfilled, especially in Skopje (up to 33.9% willing to change their vocation and up to 64.5% losttheir motivation to study) One of the strategies to improve the situation could be to include more clinical practice and to better organize the study.
dosadašnja istraživanja o razvoju cirkularne ekonomije u europskoj uniji pretežno su bila usmjerena na prednosti implementacije takvoga modela koje se najčešće dijele na okolišne i ekonomske. ovaj će rad analizirati diskurs o cirkularnoj ekonomiji s drugačijeg gledišta, onoga kojemu je u središtu ljudsko zdravlje kao presudan faktor. na temelju toga, pokušat će se odgovoriti na dva pitanja; kako su se mijenjali prioriteti i diskurs unutar zakonodavnog okvira europske unije kada je riječ o cirkularnoj ekonomiji, te kako osvijestiti aktere da prilagode svoje ponašanje i djelovanje okolišnim normama. u analizi se koriste metode analize teksta i diskursa, kojima će se adresirati dosadašnja literatura i dokumenti europske unije, prvenstveno paketi mjera o cirkularnoj ekonomiji, akcijski plan iz 2015. godine i novousvojene direktive. ujedno, isko- rištena je komparativna metoda za usporedbu 'starih' i 'novih' direktiva, odnosno diskursa u europskoj uniji i Kini, te posljednja metoda, intervju s Davorom Škrlecom, bivšim zastupnikom u europskom parlamentu i članom Kluba zastupnika Zelenih/europskog slobodnog saveza. rezultati su pokazali da je svaki novi paket europske unije bio kvalitativno precizniji, ali da se sa stajališta ciljeva izlazilo u susret implementacijskim kapacitetima država članica. na kraju, oblikovao se zasebni diskurs o cirkularnoj ekonomiji za čiju je sustavnu provedbu ipak nužno u središte postaviti pitanje zdravlja. ; the latest research on circular economy development in the european uni- on were primarily directed towards the advantages of implementation of such model which are most commonly presented as environmental and economic. this paper analyzes the circular economy discourse from a different point of view, one that focuses on human health as crucial element. In line with that, the paper will answer two questions; how did priorities and discourses within the legislative framework in the european union had changed, and how to raise awareness of main actors to adapt their behaviour and actions towards en- vironmental norms. the paper uses text and discourse analysis by which the current literature and documents of the european union will be addressed, primarily the eu packages on circualr economy, 2015 action Plan and newly adopted directives. also, comparative method is used for comparison of "old" and "new" directives and discourses between the European union and China. The last method used is interview conducted with Davor Škrlec, former Member of European Parliament and member of Greens/European Free alliance political group. the results have shown that each new package on circular economy was more precise regarding quality but the proclaimed goals were alligned with implementation capacities of member states. thus, a new discourse on circular economy was formed but in order it to be systematically implemented there is a need to emphasize human health as its main priority.
Pri usporedbi demografskih procesa i promjena u zapadnoeuropskim zemljama i u Hrvatskoj često se u nas površno tvrdi da se radi o "identičnim procesima." Međutim, demografsko-statistička analitička usporedba pojedinih agregatnih i parcijalnih demografskih procesa u navedenim zemljama i u Hrvatskoj pokazuje da o identičnim procesima možemo govoriti samo kada je u pitanju dugoročni smjer promjene tih procesa, kao što je primjerice proces prirodne promjene stanovništva koji obilježava smanjivanje stopa nataliteta/ fertiliteta i proces starenja stanovništva koji obilježava porast staračkog stanovništva u ukupnom stanovništvu. Kod usporedbe mnogih drugih agregatnih i parcijalnih demografskih procesa u zapadnoeuropskim zemljama i u Hrvatskoj, napose kada je u pitanju srednjoročna i kratkoročna promjena, analiza pokazuje da se ne radi o identičnim procesima ni prema smjeru promjene, ni prema veličini, ni prema intenzitetu, ni prema strukturi promjene određenog demografskog procesa. U ovom ćemo radu nastojati te konstatacije potkrijepiti relevantnim podacima i pokazateljima za Hrvatsku i izabrane zapadnoeuropske zemlje. ; In this paper, main demographic processes and demographic balance in Croatia and in 18 Western European countries, mostly EU members, have been compared. The conclusion was that demographic processes in Croatia differed from the ones in the said Western European countries during previous two and a half decades. Among the analysed countries, Croatia was the only one with a permanent yearly decrease in the total population number during previous two and a half decades, while the analysed Western European countries have synchronously recorded a constant increase in the total population number. The analysis of the structure of the demographic balance of Croatia and the said countries shows – according to its basic components – a significantly different structure. In Croatia, above all, both summary components of the demographic balance are negative, so that the decrease in the total population number has been synchronously conditioned by natural population decrease and negative migration balance. However, this structure is different in the analysed Western European countries. It is evident that the increase in the total population number in these countries has been synchronously conditioned by positive migration balance and positive natural change, i.e. natural population increase. These aggregate and structural characteristics of the final result of demographic balance and its structures in Croatia and in the said countries have had an entirely different influence on future demographic movements and changes of the structures in Croatia and in the said countries: in Croatia, projections indicate that unfavourable demographic changes will become intensified in the future; while in Western European countries, they foresee a further increase in the total population number, in particular population capable for work, which is related to future positive structural demographic changes.
Europa je dio globaliziranog i povezanog svijeta gdje se očekuje povećanje međunarodne mobilnosti. Sadašnje zakonodavstvo EU , nakon stupanja na snagu Lisabonskog ugovora, suočava se s novim izazovima na području slobode, sigurnosti i pravde. Postoji značajna europeizacija migracijske politike. Regija Zapadnog Balkana (ZB) smatra se jednim od najzanimljivijih i izazovnijih područja u Europi po sadašnjim migracijskim tokovima. Posljednje proširenje EU pomaknulo je migraciju iz klasične radničke imigracije, do tzv. odljeva mozgova, jer sada mlađi i visokoobrazovani ljudi imaju tendenciju migrirati u druge zemlje da bi nastavili svoju profesionalnu karijeru. Istočno proširenje i migracija na Zapadnom Balkanu mogu ići u istom smjeru. Ovaj članak ima za cilj identificirati politiku legalne migracije u EU za državljane zemalja Zapadnog Balkana kada se odluče za ulazak i / ili rade na području EU , ističući tu odluku kao izazov ili kao priliku za građane ZB-a. ; Europe is part of a globalized and interconnected world where international mobility is expected to increase. The current European Union (EU ) legislation, after entry into force of Lisbon Treaty, is facing new challenges in the field of the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice. There is a significant Europeanization of migration policy. The Western Balkan (WB) region is considered as one of the most interesting and challenging regions in Europe regarding the current migration flows. The last EU enlargement shifted the migration from classical working class immigration, to the so-called brain drain immigration, since now younger and highly educated people tend to migrate more in other countries to pursue their professional career. The EU Eastern enlargement and WB migration may go in the same direction. The present article aims to identify the EU legal migration policy for the WB nationals when they decide to enter and/or work in the EU territory legally, pointing out that decision as a challenge or as an opportunity for WB citizens.
Postoji niz čimbenika koji pridonose kvaliteti života pojedinca. Cilj istraživanja bio je ispitati kvalitetu življenja građana grada Varaždina odnosno procjenu općeg životnog zadovoljstva kao i pojedinih domena životnog zadovoljstva te sreće građana grada Varaždina i zatim napraviti usporedbu s procjenama kvalitete života građana Hrvatske, susjednih zemalja i općenito građana Europske unije. Istraživanje je provedeno u jesen 2011. na reprezentativnom, stratificiranom uzorku punoljetnog stanovništva Grada Varaždina, sa slučajnim izborom jedinica unutar svakog stratuma. Uzorkom je ukupno obuhvaćeno 500 ispitanika. Korištene su subjektivne procjene kvalitete življenja građana Varaždina ispitane skalama samoprocjena o kvaliteti života, životnom zadovoljstvu i sreći, te pojedinim domenama životnog zadovoljstva. Rezultati provedenog istraživanja pokazali su kako stanovnici grada Varaždina općenito procjenjuju da su sretni i zadovoljni svojim životom u cijelosti. Kod procjene zadovoljstva pojedinim segmentima u svom životu, odnosno uvjetima života u gradu Varaždinu, građani su najzadovoljniji odnosima s bližnjima, pripadnošću okolini u kojoj žive, kvalitetom stanovanja, zatim duhovnošću, osjećajem vlastite sigurnosti i sigurnosti u gradu. Ujedno, to su područja koja građani procjenjuju pozitivnije nego što su procijenili zadovoljstvo svojim životom u cijelosti. Građani svoje pozitivne procjene zadovoljstva životom upravo baziraju na procjenama osobnog zadovoljstva, interpersonalnim odnosima i osjećaju sigurnosti kao socijalnim domenama život, a što bi bili i glavni razlozi zbog kojih bi se stanovnici grada odselili iz Varaždina. Za zadovoljstvo životom građana grada Varaždina najznačajniji su zadovoljstvo životnim standardom i zadovoljstvo pripadnosti okolini u kojoj žive. Procjene životnog zadovoljstva, sreće te pojedinih domena životnog zadovoljstva građana Varaždina bliže su prosječnim procjenama stanovnika EU-a 2011. godine nego prosječnim procjenama stanovnika Hrvatske. Zadovoljstvo svojim zdravljem građani Varaždina, Hrvatske i EU-a procjenjuju podjednako, dok su procjene životnog standarda građana Varaždina bliže procjenama stanovnika EU-a nego stanovnika Hrvatske. Procjene životnog zadovoljstva i sreće građana Varaždina u odnosu na ostale zemlje EU-a u okruženju najbliže su procjenama stanovnika Austrije. ; There are a number of factors that contribute to the quality of life of an individual. The aim of this study was to examine the quality of life of citizens in the city of Varaždin and to assess their general life satisfaction as well as individual domains of life satisfaction and happiness. Another aim was to compare this with the evaluated quality of life of citizens in Croatia, neighbouring countries and generally in the European Union. The survey was conducted in the fall of 2011 on a representative, stratified sample of the adult population in the city of Varaždin with a random selection of units within each stratum. The sample included a total of 500 respondents. Subjective assessments of quality of life by citizens of Varaždin were tested by scales of self-assessment of quality of life, life satisfaction and happiness, and individual domains of life satisfaction. Results of the study showed that people in the city of Varaždin evaluate that they are happy and satisfied with their life in general. When assessing satisfaction of certain life segments and living conditions in the city of Varaždin, citizens are most satisfied with their family relationships, belonging to the environment in which they live, the quality of housing, followed by spirituality, a sense of personal safety and security in the city. At the same time, these are the areas that citizens assessed more positively than they assess satisfaction with their lives as a whole. Citizens' positive assessment of life satisfaction is based on evaluations of personal satisfaction, interpersonal relationships and a sense of security as well as the social domains of life which would be the main reasons why residents move away from Varaždin. For life satisfaction of citizens in the city of Varaždin, standard of living and the pleasure of belonging to the environment in which they live were the most important. Life satisfaction, happiness and individual domains of life satisfaction of citizens of Varaždin were closer to the average evaluations in the EU in 2011, than the average evaluations of the Croatian population. In relation to satisfaction with health, citizens of Varazdin, Croatia and the EU are alike, while the standard of living assessment among citizens of Varaždin is closer to the evaluations of the EU population than the overall population of Croatia. Evaluations of life satisfaction and happiness of citizens in Varaždin were closest to evaluations of population in Austria in comparison to other EU countries in the region.
Rad se bavi propitivanjem implikacija izbjegličke krize koja je zahvatila Europsku uniju na demokraciju u Europi i funkcioniranje Europske unije na osnovi usporedbe s teorijom Hannah Arendt o izbjeglicama i ljudskim pravima. Rad se kritički odnosi prema djelovanju Europske unije, posebice Europske komisije, naspram njezinih članica po pitanju rješavanja izbjegličke krize čime se dovodi u pitanje održanje same Europske unije i demokracije na razini Europe. Teorija Hannah Arendt pomaže u sagledavanju sadašnje situacije u povijesnom kontekstu i pruža mogući odgovor kako sačuvati nacionalne države i demokraciju u njima propitivanjem načela ljudskih prava koja je iznjedrila Francuska revolucija, a koja su dovedena u pitanje pojavom izbjegličkog vala s Bliskog istoka u Europu. ; The paper explains the implications of the European refugee crisis for the functioning of the EU and democracy within Europe, with reference to Hannah Arendt's theory on refugees and human rights. The paper examines critically the handling of the refugee crisis by the European Commission and its attitude towards EU Member States, which compromises the actual functioning of theEU and democracy in Europe. Arendt's theory helps us understand better the present situation, taking into account the historical context. Her theory on human rights, born of the French Revolution provides a possible answer regarding how to preserve European nation states and democracy in Europe, notions that have been challenged seriously by the waves of refugees from the Middle East, and ultimately by the European Union itself.
Trgovina ljudima ili trafficking vrsta je transnacionalnog organiziranog kriminala koja je jako profitabilna i vrlo ju je teško iskorijeniti. Utječe na živote i sigurnost brojnih ljudi diljem svijeta, pa tako i građana Europske Unije. Ovaj rad bavi se trgovinom ljudima u svrhu prostitucije jer je seksualna eksploatacija prepoznata kao najčešći oblik eksploatacije žrtvi trafficking-a. Istražuje se relevantna legislacija o trgovini ljudima za EU, obuhvaćajući direktive Unije, konvencije Ujedinjenih naroda i Vijeća Europe te se daje pregled djelovanja FRONTEX-a i EUROPOL-a kao agencija Europske Unije koje djeluju u svrhu suzbijanja te pojave. Na kraju se sagledava tri modela zakonske regulacije prostitucije prisutne u tri države članice Unije: abolicionističke u Švedskoj, legalizacije u Nizozemskoj te prohibicionističke u Hrvatskoj. Cilj rada jest otkriti kako koji od tih modela utječe na vidljivost trgovine ljudima u svrhu prostitucije, na što je teško jasno odgovoriti zbog činjenice da je opseg ukupne trgovine ljudima nemoguće saznati zbog njenog ilegalnog karaktera i poteškoća u stvaranju konzistentne i kvalitetne zajedničke međunrodne baze podataka o ovoj pojavi. ; Trafficking in human beings is a highly profitable transnational organized crime activity that is difficult to eradicate. It makes an impact on the lives and safety of many people around the world, including the citizens of the European Union. This paper deals with trafficking in human beings for the purpose of prostitution because sexual exploitation is recognized as the most common form of exploitation of the victims of trafficking. This paper researches the relevant EU legislation on trafficking in human beings, including the EU Directives, the UN Convention and the Council of Europe Convention. It also reviews the work of FRONTEX and EUROPOL as European Union agencies acting to counteract phenomenon of trafficking. Finally, three models of legal regulation of prostitution which are present in three EU member states are being considered: ...
Migracije su fenomen koji se proteže kroz cijelu ljudsku povijest; one predstavljaju potrebu i nužnost. Brojni su push and pull uzročni faktori. Suvremene masovne migracije pretežno su obilježene premještanjem ljudi koji, u kombinaciji bijega od ratnih sukoba, disfunkcionalnih sustava upravljanja, klimatskih promjena i neimaštine, nastoje stići do sigurnijih i ekonomski razvijenih zemalja. Premda se većina trenutačne svjetske populacije migranata nalazi u državama Azije i Afrike, najveća pozornost posvećena je situacijama u kojima manje skupine pokušavaju dospjeti do država Europske unije, Australije ili primjerice SAD-a. Premda su ulazne migracije nužnost spomenutih zemalja, one nisu spremne za velike priljeve migranata, već navedeno žele projektirano odraditi kroz duže razdoblje. U tu svrhu razvijaju brojne politike, mjere i mehanizme, koji su predmet analize ovoga rada. Rad se posebno bavi kontekstom stvaranja i usporedbom migracijskih politika i postupaka Europske unije i Australije, njihovim sličnostima i razlikama. ; Migration is a phenomenon present throughout human history, as a need and a necessity. There are numerous push and pull factors which cause it. Modern mass migration is mostly marked as "relocating people who in combination with escape from war, dysfunctional management systems, climate change and poverty try to reach safer and economically developed countries". Although most of the current world population of migrants is located in countries of Asia and Africa, the greatest attention was paid to cases where small groups are trying to reach the European Union countries, Australia or the USA. Though in-migration is a necessity in these countries, they are not ready for large inflows of migrants and they want this process to unwind during a longer period of time. For this purpose, they develop a number of policies, measures and mechanisms, which are also the subject of analysis in this paper. This research is especially focused on the context of creation and comparison of the migration policy and procedures of the European Union and Australia, their similarities and differences.
Pravilno određeni i na jasan način prikazani načela, ciljevi i instrumenti temeljne su odrednice za uspješno uspostavljanje i provođenje pomorske i prometne politike Europske unije i njezinih zemalja članica, a kako bi se razvio efektivan prometni i pomorski sustav uz istovremeni gospodarski rast utemeljen na sustavu održivog razvoja potrebna je usklađenost nacionalne politike s determinantama pomorske i prometne politike Europske unije, uz respektiranje osobitih značajki pomorskog tržišta. Europska unija svojim programima, strategijama i projektima nastoji pomoći u razvitku svojih zemalja članica, te financiranjima i ograničenjima uvesti i održavati mir i sigurnost u teritorijalnim oblastima Europskog kontinenta, uz stvaranje međunarodne suradnje i očuvanja ljudskih prava i demokracije. ; Properly defined and clearly presented principles, goals and instruments are fundamental determinants for the successful establishment and implementation of maritime and transport policy of the European Union and its Member States, in order to develop an effective transport and maritime system with simultaneous economic growth based on sustainable development. It is necessary to harmonize the national policy with the determinants of the maritime and transport policy of the European Union, while respecting the special features of the maritime market. Through its programs, strategies and projects, the European Union seeks to help the development of its member states, and to introduce and maintain peace and security in the territorial areas of the European continent with funding and restrictions, while creating international cooperation and preserving human rights and democracy.
Pravilno određeni i na jasan način prikazani načela, ciljevi i instrumenti temeljne su odrednice za uspješno uspostavljanje i provođenje pomorske i prometne politike Europske unije i njezinih zemalja članica, a kako bi se razvio efektivan prometni i pomorski sustav uz istovremeni gospodarski rast utemeljen na sustavu održivog razvoja potrebna je usklađenost nacionalne politike s determinantama pomorske i prometne politike Europske unije, uz respektiranje osobitih značajki pomorskog tržišta. Europska unija svojim programima, strategijama i projektima nastoji pomoći u razvitku svojih zemalja članica, te financiranjima i ograničenjima uvesti i održavati mir i sigurnost u teritorijalnim oblastima Europskog kontinenta, uz stvaranje međunarodne suradnje i očuvanja ljudskih prava i demokracije. ; Properly defined and clearly presented principles, goals and instruments are fundamental determinants for the successful establishment and implementation of maritime and transport policy of the European Union and its Member States, in order to develop an effective transport and maritime system with simultaneous economic growth based on sustainable development. It is necessary to harmonize the national policy with the determinants of the maritime and transport policy of the European Union, while respecting the special features of the maritime market. Through its programs, strategies and projects, the European Union seeks to help the development of its member states, and to introduce and maintain peace and security in the territorial areas of the European continent with funding and restrictions, while creating international cooperation and preserving human rights and democracy.
Politika ruralnog razvoja za svoj glavni cilj ima poboljšanje životnog standarda ljudi koji žive u ruralnim područjima. Ulaskom u Europsku uniju, sve zemlje dobivaju mogućnost korištenja sredstava koje EPFRR (Europskog poljoprivrednog fonda za ruralni razvoj). Cilj ovog rada je prikazati iskoristivost EPFRR-a za zemlje srednje i istočne Europe u razdoblju od 2014. do 2020. godine. Sam cilj EFRR je smanjiti gospodarske razlike između regije kroz razvoj poljoprivrede. Mjere EPFRR odnose se na investiranje u poljoprivredne aktivnosti, potpore slabije razvijenim područjima, u ljudske resurse, zaštitu okoliša i slično. A te mjere još su upotpunjene mjerama za šumarstvo, te mjerama promocije razvoja ruralnih područja. To je napravljeno kroz analizu dokumenata Europske unije, ponajviše ključnih odluka i planova. U radu su dati primjeri na zemljama srednje i istočne Europe, s detaljnijim pregledom iskoristivosti EPFRR u Republici Hrvatskoj, kao i Estoniji, Rumunjskoj i Poljskoj. Kroz komparativnu analizu odabranih zemalja Europske unije prikazuju se korištena sredstava EPFRR-a te i prikaz same poljoprivrede tih zemalja i njihovo pozicioniranje u Europskoj uniji. ; Rural development as its main objective has to improve the living standards of people living in rural areas. By joining the European Union, all countries, together with Croatia, get the opportunity to use the funds that are offered. One of the options which got available is the European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development (EAFRD). The aim of this pape is to demonstrate the usefulness of EAFRD for the countries of Central and Eastern Europe in the period from 2014 to 2020. The Fund's goal is to reduce economic disparities between the regions through agricultural development. The EAFRD measures themselves relate to investment in agricultural activities, support for less developed areas, human resources, environmental protection and the like. And these measures are further complemented by measures for forestry, and measures to promote the development of rural ...
The paper contains an analysis of land administration systems in transition countries on the example of South Eastern European countries. An analysis of regulation on registration of real estate registration and rights was done in addition to the comparison of institutions and jurisdictions. Also an analysis of registers of real estates and real estate rights has been done and their main features listed. The paper provides insight into some of the technological achievements in the field of improvement and modernization of land administration systems. ; U radu je provedena analiza sustava upravljanja zemljištem u tranzicijskim zemljama na primjeru zemalja jugoistočne Europe. Analizirani su propisi o upisu nekretnina i prava na njima te je obavljena usporedba institucija i nadležnosti. Analizirani su upisnici nekretnina i prava na njima te navedene njihove glavne značajke. Također je dan uvid u neka od tehnoloških dostignuća na području unaprjeđenja i modernizacije sustava upravljanja zemljištem.
U suvremenim uvjetima globalni terorizam je izborio visoko mjesto na listi prioriteta nacionalne sigurnosti. Geopolitika terorizma globalna je i ako se neka zemlja ne želi baviti terorizmom, terorizam će se sigurno baviti njom – izravno ili neizravno. Globalizacija je stvorila gotovo idealne uvjete za lakši protok ljudi, roba, financijskih sredstava i što je posebno važno, maksimalno je povećan protok informacija. To je olakšalo razvoj i operacije terorističkih organizacija. No, ipak su danas države i međunarodne organizacije postale svjesne opasnosti kojima je suvremeno društvo izloženo djelovanjem organiziranih terorističkih skupina. Međunarodna zajednica, i posebno SAD i EU, pa i Republika Hrvatska, razvile su opsežan i prije svega kompliciran sustav za borbu protiv terorizma. Postoje brojni dokumenti koji čine pravnu, političku i akcijsku osnovu za učinkovitu borbu protiv terorizma.Predmet ovog rada je kratki komparativni prikaz načina na koji SAD, Europskaunija i Republika Hrvatska tretiraju terorizam u svojim strategijskim dokumentima: National strategy for combating terorism – SAD, European security strategy – EU, i Nacionalna strategija za prevenciju i suzbijanje terorizma – Republika Hrvatska. Namjera je autora, analizirati, utvrditi i pokazati načine na koji su u strategijskim dokumentima definirani i poimani teroristička prijetnja, njen sadržaj i značenje, kao i uzroci i posljedice na vlastitu i globalnu sigurnost. Cilj rada je otkriti, analizira i utvrdi da li se i u čemu navedene strategije razlikuju. Kvalitativnom analizom sadržaja navedenih strategijskih dokumenata kao i njihovom komparativnom analizom, autori će ukazati na sigurnosne posljedice različitih strateških odgovora na terorizam. --- In contemporary conditions global terrorism has won a high ranking on the list of the priorities of national security. The geo-politics of terrorism is global and even if a country does not wish to deal with terrorism, terrorism will certainly wish to deal with it – directly or indirectly. Globalisation has created almost ideal conditions for easier flow of people, goods, financial means and, particularly important, maximally increased flow of information. This has facilitated the development and operations of terrorist organizations. However, the governments and international organizations have become aware of the dangers to which modern society has been exposed by the activities of the organized terrorist groups. The international community, and especially USA and EU, as well as the Republic of Croatia have developed an extensive and above all complicated system to combat terrorism. There are numerous documents that constitute legal, political, and action basis for efficient fighting against terrorism. The subject of this paper is a short comparative presentation of the methods inwhich the USA, European Union and the Republic of Croatia have been treating terrorism in their strategic documents: National Strategy for Combating terrorism – USA, European Security Strategy – EU, and National Strategy for Prevention and Combating Terrorism – the Republic of Croatia. The intention is to analyze, determine, and present methods in which strategic documents define and treat the terrorist threat, its contents, and meaning, as well as the causes and consequences for one's own and global security. The aim of the paper is to discover, analyze, and determine whether the mentioned strategies differ and in what. Qualitative analysis of the contents of the mentioned strategic documents as well as with their comparative analysis, the authors will indicate the security consequences of different strategic responses to terrorism.
Ovaj je rad usmjeren na reforme obiteljske politike u četiri europske zemlje – Austriji, Finskoj, Portugalu i Sloveniji – između 2008. i 2015. godine. Te su godine obilježile "velika recesija" i uspon perspektive socijalnog ulaganja. Međutim, socijalno ulaganje je opći pojam i pomalo je dvosmislen. Ovaj rad razlučuje između različitih varijanti socijalnog ulaganja koje proizlaze iz usredotočenosti na interakcije socijalnog ulaganja i alternativnih perspektiva socijalne politike, i to socijalne zaštite i štednje. U radu se identificiraju različite varijante u smislu stupnja socijalnog ulaganja: od sveobuhvatnog, preko istiskivanja do "skromnijih" oblika socijalnog ulaganja. To je dovelo do oštrih rezova u obiteljskim novčanim davanjima, dok su se područja javne skrbi i roditeljskog dopusta pokazala otpornijima u analiziranim zemljama. Ovi su zaključci indikativni u sadašnjoj pandemiji COVID-19, kada se zemlje suočavaju s novom, možda i većom gospodarskom krizom. ; The focus of this article is on family policy reforms in four European countries – Austria, Finland, Portugal, and Slovenia – between 2008 and 2015. These years were marked by the 'Great Recession', and by the rise of the social-investment perspective. Social investment is an umbrella concept, though, and it is also somewhat ambiguous. This article distinguishes between different social-investment variants, which emerge from a focus on its interaction with alternative social-policy perspectives, namely social protection and austerity. We identify different variants along the degree of social-investment: from comprehensive, over crowding out, towards lean forms. While the empirical analysis highlights variation, it also shows how there is a specific crisis context, which may lead to 'crowding out' of other policy approaches and 'leaner' forms of social investment. This has led to strong cutbacks in family cash benefits, while public childcare and parental leaves have proved more resilient in the investigated countries. Those findings are revelatory in the current Covid-19 pandemic, where countries are entering a next, possibly larger economic crisis.
Pri analizi dvaju suprotstavljenih narativa povezanih s temom uspostave vojske Europske unije (EU) u europskom medijskom i političkom prostoru u ovome radu upotrebljava se teorija sekrutizacije te se temeljem analize diskursa i javnog mnijenja dokazuje da suprotstavljeni narativi ispunjavaju uvjete da ih prema definiciji Kopenhagenske škole svedemo pod pojam sekuritizacije. Prema autorima Kopenhagenske škole, sekuritizacija je govorni čin kojim provoditelj sekuritizacije do tada nepolitizirani odnosno politizirani predmet debate prikazuje kao egzistencijalnu prijetnju prema referentnom objektu koja zahtijeva hitne mjere. Prvi narativ koji rad analizira je neizvjesna sigurnosna situacija u Europi i oko nje koja bi mogla prerasti u egzistencijalnu prijetnju društvu Europske unije i europskom identitetu zbog nepostojanja vojske Unije. Drugi, tome oprečni narativ pak interpretira uspostavu vojske Europske unije kao egzistencijalnu prijetnju NATO savezu i suverenitetu država članica Unije. Rad postavlja pitanje je li sekuritizacija upotrebljiva poluga u nastojanju provođenja odnosno blokiranja čvršće intergracije EU na području obrane. Analizom diskursa glavnih aktera, provoditelja sekuritizacije i sigurnosnih strategija EU, Velike Britanije i Sjedinjenih Američkih Država te analizom prihvaćanja narativa od strane publike, rad zaključuje da su ti oba narativa činovi sekuritizacije. Prvi narativ, sekuritiziran od strane europskih federalista na čelu s predsjednikom Europske komisije Jean-Claudeom Junckerom, kao referentne objekte koji se pod hitno moraju zaštiti postavlja društvo EU i europski identitet. Egzistencijalna prijetnja referentnim objektima dolazi od ruske politike, ali i neizvjesne sigurnosne situacije u neposrednom susjedstvu EU-a. Ovaj narativ kao rješenje nameće uspostavu vojske EU-a. Drugi narativ, sekuritiziran od strane euroskeptika, NATO saveza te političkih elita Velike Britanije, SAD-a i Rusije, kao referentne objekte koji se pod hitno moraju zaštititi postavlja suverenitet država članica EU i opstanak NATO saveza koji se nalaze u egzistencijalnoj prijetnji od strane uspostave vojske Europske unije, čija bi uspostava oduzela nacionalne vojske tj. suverenitet država članica u području obrane, a postojanje NATO saveza učinilo izlišnim ; The thesis proves that around the establishment of the European Union army, we can infer two opposing narratives in European Union's media and political space and that both meet the conditions to be called a securitization. The first narrative (positive securitization) that the thesis analyses argues that the precarious the security situation in and around Europe could become an existential threat to the society of European Union (EU) and European identity because of the paucity of the EU army. The second narrative (negative securitization) that the thesis analyses interprets the establishment of the EU army as an existential threat to the North Atlantic Alliance (NATO) and the sovereignty of EU member states. Securitization is defined through the Theory of Securitisation by the scientists belonging to Copenhagen School (Barry Buzan, Ole Wæver and Jaap de Wilde) as a speech act by which an actor (securitizing actor) presents a specific issue, until then only politicised in the political or public space, as an existential threat to the referent object that requires extraordinary measures. For a speech act to be an act of securitization and not just an attempt of securitisation, public (or a target group) needs to accept the speech as such. Thus, the Theory of Securitization affirms that the chosen narratives are acts of securitizations through discourse analysis and public opinion analysis. Elements of securitization are before mentioned securitization actor, referent object and public, as well as functional actors, which indirectly affect security decisions by lobbing or directing the securitization actors, and context, as a speech act cannot be an independent factor in the securitization process but is dependent on historical, political, societal, economic, geographic, and other variables. The principal difference between Theory of Securitisation and the mainstream security theories: Traditional Security Studies (TSS) and Critical Security Studies (CSS), is that Theory of Securitization is not concerned if the issue that a speech act wants to present as a security issue, really is a security issue, but how a speech act presents the issue as a security issue. Unlike the Theory of Securitisation, TSS is a realistic security theory that examines is the issue a real security threat while CSS is a constructive security theory that examines the reality of security threat. Both, TSS and CSS, analyze already present security threat, while Theory of Securitisation analyses the creation of the security threat. Positive securitisation, the precarious security situation in and around Europe that could become an existential threat to the society of the EU because of the paucity of the EU army, is securitised by European federalists headed by European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker and HR/VP Federica Mogherini. Referent objects that are in urgent need of protection are the EU society and the European identity (values and principles) that are in the existential threat of Russia and uncertain security situation in the immediate neighbourhood of the EU. As a solution for the existential threat, securitising actors impose the establishment of the EU army. Functional actors of positive securitisation are stakeholders in the European defence industry who have a purely economic reason for the backing of positive securitisation, and European elite which advocates the federalisation of the European Union. The prime public, core target group, for the positive securitisation should be the Heads of 28 EU member states who make decisions concerning Common Security Defence Policy (CSDP). As the decisions concerning CSDP must be unanimous, and some member states, mostly United Kingdom (UK), steadily use the instrument of veto to block further development of the CSDP, the thesis assumes that the securitising actors of positive securitisation decided to expand the target group for their securitisation onto European Union society as a whole. Reasons behind the expansion of the target public, which thus makes the whole society of the European Union a the public is a pressure onto the Heads of EU member states since the citizens of the EU have a very favourable opinion about the further development of the CSDP and mostly positive opinion regarding the establishment of the EU army. Negative securitisation, which interprets the establishment of the EU army as an existential a threat to the NATO and the sovereignty of EU member states, is a complex form of securitisation. Instead of one securitising actor or one group of securitising actors with the same motive (European federalist with Juncker as champion in positive securitisation), negative securitisation is securitised by several securitising actors without the leading champion with sometimes the same and sometimes different motives: Eurosceptics, NATO, decision-makers in the United Kingdom, the United States (US) and Russia. Furthermore, negative securitisation accumulates the referent objects that are in urgent need of protection: the sovereignty of the EU member states and the survival of the NATO alliance. The only element of the negative securitisation that is unambiguous is the existential threat from the establishment of the EU army whose establishment would take away the national armies, i.e. the sovereignty of the EU member states and made the NATO alliance vulnerable. Hence, for the sake of simplicity of understanding the elements of negative securitisation and their synergy, the thesis uses the Classical Security Complex Theory (CSCT) for the proper consideration of the patterns of the security connections. Using discourse analysis of the speech acts and official documents the thesis shows how the decision-makers in the US (regardless of their political affiliation) securitise the establishment of the EU army as an existential threat to NATO and future of Atlantic security cooperation. Same is evident with the NATO as a securitising actor. The decision-makers in the UK (mostly conservatives) securitise the establishment of the EU army and further development of CSDP as an existential threat to the national sovereignty of EU member states. Russia too securitises the establishment of the EU army as an existential threat to the national sovereignty of EU member states but does the deed backstage financially supporting nationalist and Eurosceptic EU parties and via cyber-attacks and disinformation campaign. Functional actors of negative securitisation are stakeholders in the non-EU defence industry and other industries which prosper due to unstable global security situation, private military organisations, non-independent think thanks, etc. The public for the negative securitisation is the Eurosceptic part of the EU society, but the core target group are the citizens of the UK. Securitising actors of the negative securitisation narrowed the public of their securitisation for the same reason why the securitising actors of the positive securitisation broaden theirs – decisions concerning CSDP must be unanimous. Consequently, the securitising actors of the negative securitisation to be successful in their securitisation need to persuade only citizens of the UK that their narrative is correct. As already mentioned, the Theory of Securitisation analyses the creation of the security threat, so very important for the understanding of the results of discourse analysis is the context behind the construction of the securitisation. In the case of the securitisations analysed in the thesis, the contexts of both narratives have foundations in the conflict between neorealist and neoliberal doctrines in foreign politics, different security strategies of the countries, and change in a global security system, as well as historical, political, societal, economic, geographic and other variables. No EU member state can be a superpower on its own in today's world. This notion and aim to hinder the possibility of another armed conflict in Europe prompted the creation of the Union. After more than 60 years of enlargement and integration, the EU is an economic superpower. Nevertheless, to protect its economic superiority as well as to impose its doctrine in foreign politics and expand its multilateral security strategy, the EU needs to be and defence union. This idea is not a new one but exists and was attempted to be implemented from the beginning of the EU existence. The securitising actors of the positive securitisation believe that with the establishment of the EU army, the EU can keep the US hegemony in the global security system and the Russian renewal of bloc-system aspirations under control. Some securitising actors of the positive securitisation also believe that the further integration of the EU is necessary to prevent the disintegration. Above all, is the strong desire of the EU elite for the federation of the EU. Expectedly, not least because of the postulate of the security dilemma, the US and Russia are afraid of the military-strong EU which could change the current global security system, while the UK believes that with the strengthening of the EU its military and political strength will wane or disappear. As the UK is the EU member state and its citizens are the most Eurosceptic the public in the EU, both and the US and Russia focused most of their securitisation's efforts toward the UK's citizens. The US also uses the UK as a tool of disruption in the EU – it's right to veto decisions about the further development of CSDP, integration of the EU in the defence field and the establishment of the EU army. The thesis hypothesises that the two opposed narratives that the thesis considers to be securitisations have generated the status quo in the development of CSDP. Through the discourse analysis of speech acts and the official documents of securitising actors of both narratives as well as analysis of the acceptance of narratives by the audience (public opinion analysis), the thesis positively answers the research question: Is the securitisation theory usable the instrument in the effort to implement/block more effective EU integration?