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Promidžba demokracije temeljni je cilj vanjske politike EU-a, a ujedno i međunarodna dimenzija demokratizacije kao temeljnog i ključnog političkog ishoda proširenja unija na države Istočne, Srednje i Jugoistočne Europe. U svjetlu relevantnosti te tematike ovaj rad nastoji definirati pojam, doseg i primjenu promidžbe demokracije u međunarodnim odnosima, posebice prema postkomunističkim državama u posthladnoratovskom razdoblju, instrumente, ciljeve, strategije, ograničenja, evolutivni okvir promidžbe demokracije, kao i njezinu primjenu na primjeru Europske Unije, posebice u odnosu na bivše komunističke države, gdje je zamijećeno da vanjski akteri ne mogu potaknuti demokratizaciju i dovesti do stabilnih političkih poredaka ukoliko snažni unutarnji politički akteri ne budu "upravljali" elementima državnosti i modernizacije ; Democracy promotion is a crucial objective of the EU foreign policy; at the same time it is also the international dimension of democratization as a fundamental and crucial political outcome of the EU enlargement to Eastern, Central and Southeastern Europe. In light of the relevance of that topic, this paper attempts to define the concept, scope and application of democracy promotion in international relations, especially in the post-communist countries in the post-Cold War period. It will also examine instruments, objectives, strategies, constraints and evaluation framework of democracy promotion, as well as its implication on the case study of the European Union, particularly regarding former communist countries. In these cases it was observed that external actors can encourage democratization and lead to a stable political order if elements ofstatehood and state modernization are not discouragely "managed" by influential internal political actors.

Ovaj rad bavi se političkom simbolikom zastave kao sastavnim dijelom političkih rituala i političke mitologije te posebice desakralizacijom (profanacijom) zastave kao fenomenom izrazitog političkog simbolizma. U prvom dijelu rada iznosi se povijesni pregled desakralizacije zastave, nacionalne i državne, dok u drugom dijelu autor razmatra fenomen desakralizacije zastave među-narodnih organizacija. Zatim se analizira slučaj desakralizacije zastave Europske Unije u Hrvatskoj 2011. godine u kontekstu kaznenog progona počinitelja i u kontekstu interpretacije kaznenih sankcija, pri čemu autor tvrdi da se odredba članka 186. Kaznenog zakona ne može odnositi na zastavu Europske Unije jer je Lisabonskim ugovorom, koji je stupio na snagu 1. prosinca 2009., dotadašnja zastava EU-a prestala biti službenom. S druge strane EU nije klasična međunarodna organizacija, već politička asocijacija zemalja članica sui generis, pa tako izmiče definiciji međunarodne organizacije, što je potvrđeno i Rezolucijom Opće skupštine UN-a od 3. svibnja 2011. U takvom kontekstu promašen je kazneni progon palitelja zastave EU-a u Hrvatskoj, kao što je neprimjerena i kaznena odredba sa zapriječenom kaznom koja na simboliku paljenja zastave odgovara simbolikom represije. U zaključku autor iznosi da je za politologiju od posebne važnosti izučavanje političke simbolike, što obrazlaže svojom analizom na primjeru desakralizacije zastave Europske Unije. ; This article deals with the political symbolism of the flag as a constituent part of political rituals and political mythology, and special attention is given to the desecration of the flag as a phenomenon of exceptional political symbolism. The author reviews cases of flag desecration, national and international, while in the second part of the article deals with the desecration of international organizations' flags highlighting the desecration of the EU flag. Then the article analyses the desecration of the EU flag in Croatia in 2011 within the context of criminal proceedings initiated against the perpetrators. In doing so, the author finds that Art. 186 of the Croatian Penal Code cannot apply to the desecration of the EU flag as a symbol of an international organization, because the EU is not a classical international organization, but an association of states sui generis, as the German Federal Constitutional court ruled in 1993. Moreover, the flag of Europe is not the official flag of the EU any more since the provisions on EU symbols were cancelled in the Lisbon Treaty entering into force on December 1, 2009. Therefore flag burners or flag rippers cannot be prosecuted under the provisions of this article, because no one can be indicted for a non-existing symbol. However, the study of political symbols is very important in contemporary political science and this should be dealt with in analysis and research.

The paper contains an analysis of land administration systems in transition countries on the example of South Eastern European countries. An analysis of regulation on registration of real estate registration and rights was done in addition to the comparison of institutions and jurisdictions. Also an analysis of registers of real estates and real estate rights has been done and their main features listed. The paper provides insight into some of the technological achievements in the field of improvement and modernization of land administration systems. ; U radu je provedena analiza sustava upravljanja zemljištem u tranzicijskim zemljama na primjeru zemalja jugoistočne Europe. Analizirani su propisi o upisu nekretnina i prava na njima te je obavljena usporedba institucija i nadležnosti. Analizirani su upisnici nekretnina i prava na njima te navedene njihove glavne značajke. Također je dan uvid u neka od tehnoloških dostignuća na području unaprjeđenja i modernizacije sustava upravljanja zemljištem.

Članak je usredotočen na djelovanje međunarodnih organizacija u postkonfliktnim i nestabilnim državama s posebnim prikazom njihove uloge u BiH. Od sredine 1990-ih međunarodne organizacije – kao što su UN, NATO, EU i OESS – angažirane su u BiH u procesu izgradnje države i transformiranja podijeljenoga društva u gospodarski i politički održivu državu. Iako su, uz podršku svih istaknutijih europskih država i SAD-a, međunarodne organizacije postale važan činitelj u slaboj i nefunkcionalnoj državi, njihovo uplitanje nije proizvelo očekivane rezultate. ; The paper is focused on activities of international organizations in postconflict and unstable countries with a special overview of their role in BiH. Since 1990 international organizations – such as UN, NATO, EU and OESS – have been engaged in BiH in the process of building the country and transforming a divided society into economically and politically sustainable country. Although international organizations became an important factor in the weak and non-functional country with the support of all eminent European countries and the USA, their interference has not produced expected results.

U suvremenim se teorijama pojmu identiteta pristupa kao konstitutivnoj kategoriji, pa se tako i europski identitet u tekstu propituje kroz njegove konstitutivne elemente. U tekstu se konstrukcija europskog identiteta prikazuje kao traženje nove vrste identiteta, gdje tradicionalne nacionalne spone, kao što su teritorij, povijest, kultura i politička tradicija, nemaju jednaku ulogu kao u identificiranju s nacijom. Stoga se i postavlja pitanje "temelja" europskog identiteta. U članku se propituje izgradnja "novog" europskog identiteta koji bi trebao biti utemeljen na snažnom kolektivnom identitetu koji se očituje u lojalnosti građana prema Europskoj Uniji. U tom kontekstu dosadašnje suvremene kritike, kao i analitičke primjene pojma europskog identiteta, dotiču ne samo pitanje političkog legitimiteta, već sve više uzimaju u razmatranje dublje elemente koji su vezani uz njegovu "političko-emocionalnu" legitimaciju. ; The concept of identity in modern theories is studied as a constitutive category, so the European identity in the text is explored through his constitutive elemente. Construction of European identity is displayed in the text as a search for new kinds of identity, where traditional national bonds such as territory, history, culture and political traditions have the same role as the identification with the nation. Therefore raises the question of "foundations" of European identity. The article examines the construction of the "new" European identity, which should be based on a strong collective identity, and which is reflected in the loyalty of the citizens of the European Union. So far, context of contemporary criticism, and analytical application of the term European identity, is dealing not only with a question of political legitimacy, but increasingly take into consideration the deeper elements that are related to the "political and emotional" legitimacy.

This paper argues that various EU policy initiatives towards the Western Balkans in the period of 1990-1999 did not in fact encourage the Western Balkans to move on and secure quicker integration into the European Union. They also failed to support reforms in the political, economic and social spheres. In addition, EU initiatives were too ineffective in terms of development of regional cooperation among countries of the region. Thus, new models were -- and still are -- needed if the EU remains committed to further enlargement in the Western Balkans. The author proposes development of a euro-region in the Western Balkans. In this way, countries of the Western Balkans would be encouraged to collaborate in applying for EU funding, which would support other forms of cooperation. However, since the funds are now restricted, it is more likely that even this approach would have only limited success. Adapted from the source document.

This paper argues that various EU policy initiatives towards the Western Balkans in the period of 1990-1999 did not in fact encourage the Western Balkans to move on and secure quicker integration into the European Union. They also failed to support reforms in the political, economic and social spheres. In addition, EU initiatives were too ineffective in terms of development of regional cooperation among countries of the region. Thus, new models were -- and still are -- needed if the EU remains committed to further enlargement in the Western Balkans. The author proposes development of a euro-region in the Western Balkans. In this way, countries of the Western Balkans would be encouraged to collaborate in applying for EU funding, which would support other forms of cooperation. However, since the funds are now restricted, it is more likely that even this approach would have only limited success. Adapted from the source document.

In this text, consequences of the Croatian referendum for the EU held on January 22, 2012 are analyzed from various standpoints and from the angle of the controversy which it caused in the public, but also in the expert and scientific discourse in Croatia. The author first discusses the holding of the referendum in the context of its date-setting, which brought about a dispute between the government and the opposition and a part of the Eurosceptic public. Second, controversy arose regarding participation in the referendum, which is approached here in the context of irregularity accusations. Third, there is the issue of the referendum's legality and legitimacy, and the author draws a comparison with referenda held in other accession countries -- not only in the fifth round of enlargement with post-communist and Mediterranean countries, but also in other countries where the referendum did not have a positive outcome. Relying on the available facts and variable analysis related to the referendum, the author then asserts that the Croatian referendum for the EU was undoubtedly successful, that its results, both with regard to the participation and the outcome, were even better than in many post-communist countries of the fifth enlargement. Finally, the reasons for the tardiness of Croatia's EU accession in contrast to the other Middle-European and Eastern-European countries and Slovenia are analyzed. It is viewed as a consequence of wrong political estimations and decisions. The author also focuses on the informational and educational deficit regarding the EU in Croatia, and finds that the Croatian citizens are poorly informed on the EU because of specific decisions of the government. Still, the result of the referendum met with positive reactions of EU political bodies and the member states, which opens up the process of ratification in other EU countries that should lead to full membership of Croatia in the EU on July 1, 2013. Adapted from the source document.

On the road to full membership in the European Union, and after completion of accession negotiations, Croatia must hold a referendum at which Croatian citizens will state their opinions on Croatia's entry into this community. In order for Croatian citizens to become familiar with the benefits of EU membership and in order to influence public opinion so that the outcome of the referendum is positive, the Croatian Government has adopted two communication strategies aimed at informing the Croatian public and gaining support for its European policy. The authors analyze the advantages and disadvantages of these strategies, comparing them with the experiences of other European countries that have successfully passed this road, and point to the untapped communication possibilities. Adapted from the source document.

Etička je obveza liječnika da budu upoznati s trenutnim dostignućima. Stručne medicinske udruge. poput Europskog kardiološkog društva (ESC), podupiru te vrste obveze. Troškovi stalnog medicinskog usavršavanja (SMU) u Europi su nedovoljno pokriveni od vlade i poslodavaca, ali ipak se stučne udruge kritiziraju zbog primanja alternativne financijske potpore od strane industrije. Medicinska edeukacija i osposobljavanje u području istraživanja uključuje obuku procjene kvalitete i pouzdanosti bilo koje informacije. Postoje realne opasnosti neobjektivne pristranosti kod bilo kojeg oblika znanstvene komunikacije uključujući intelektualnu, stručnu i financijsku, i izrazito je važno da se to uoči i razotkrije. Neophodna je bliska suradnja bazičnih i kliničkih istraživača iz akademskih institucija s jedne strane, te s druge strane s inženjerima i znanstvenicima istraživačkih odjela za medicinske uređaje i farmaceutskih tvrtki. Ona je ključna za razvoj novih dijagnostičkih metoda i postupaka. Promidžba industrijskih inovacija može ubrzati njihovu primjenu u kliničkoj praksi. Sveučilišta, u ovom trenutku, često potiču svoje akademsko osoblje na zaštitu svog intelektualnog vlasništva ili na komercijalizaciju svojih istraživanja, što samo po sebi ne predstavlja komercijalnu aktivnost niti predstavlja veze koje su postale meta kritika. Pod kritikom je uočeni utjecaj komercijalnih tvrtki na donošenje kliničkih odluka ili na poruke koje prenose stručne zdravstvene organizacije. Ovaj dokument donosi stav ESC o aktualnoj raspravi te savjetuje kako smanjiti komercijalni utjecaj u znanstvenoj komunikaciji i na SMU te kako osigurati odgovarajuće etičke standarde i transparentnost u odnosima između medicinske struke i industrije. ; Physicians have an ethical duty to keep up-to-date with current knowledge. Professional medical associations such as the European Society of Cardiology (ESC) support these obligations. In Europe, the costs of continuing medical education (CME) are insufficiently supported from governments and employers; however, medical associations have been criticized for accepting alternative financial support from industry. Medical education and training in research include learning how to assess the quality and reliability of any information. There is some risk of bias in any form of scientific communication including intellectual, professional, and financial and it is essential that in particular, the latter must be acknowledged by full disclosure. It is essential that there is strong collaboration between basic and clinical researchers from academic institutions on the one hand, with engineers and scientists from the research divisions of device and pharmaceutical companies on the other. This is vital so that new diagnostic methods and treatments are developed. Promotion of advances by industry may accelerate their implementation into clinical practice. Universities now frequently exhort their academic staff to protect their intellectual property or commercialize their research. Thus, it is not commercial activity or links per se that have become the target for criticism but the perceived influence of commercial enterprises on clinical decision-making or on messages conveyed by professional medical organizations. This document offers the perspective of the ESC on the current debate, and it recommends how to minimize bias in scientific communications and CME and how to ensure proper ethical standards and transparency in relations between the medical profession and industry.

This paper discusses the dilemmas regarding the nature of the European Union in contemporary political science and in the field of European Studies as a multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary field. The first part focuses on the evolution of the European Union from the original European Coal and Steel Community, via the European Economic Community, to its growth into a political union. The Maastricht Treaty, which lay the foundations of the European Union as a political union of its member states, instigated a debate on the actual nature of this supranational union as political construct. Consequently, the author analyses the various characteristics of the European Union, which is manifest in various forms, and asserts that it has some "state-like features" and some "organisation-like features", which are characteristic of international organizations. In the approach to the European Union as a supra-state community, some essential traits of both federation and confederation are simultaneously manifest, corresponding to two tendencies in the development of the European Union as a super-state. Moreover, there is the conception of the European Union as an empire. Finally, this paper specifies the tasks of present-day political science and the need to find a new heuristic instrument, which, according to the author, can be found in the conception of the political system that was introduced in political science (comparative politics) by Gabriel Almond and David Easton. Such an approach, which is nowadays further developed by Jean-Pierre Quermonne, Wolfgang Wessels and Simon Hix, is additionally strengthened by the fact that various models of democratic practice are being incorporated in the European Union in opposition to the basic, legitimacy-related democratic deficit, models which confirm the possible conclusion regarding a European Union as a complex community with many faces. Adapted from the source document.

The texts focuses on constitutionalisation of democracy in the European Union and the phenomenon of democratic deficit through the failed Constitution for Europe and, thereafter, the Lisbon Treaty, which takes over the definition of democracy as the foundation of the European Union. In this context, the author also looks into the contribution of political scientist Zvonko Posavec, who was one of the first in Croatia to advocate the need for constitutionalisation of the European Union as a project of finalising the process of European integration. While writing about the need for constitutional foundation of the European Union, Posavec simultaneously reflects on representative democracy as the form of democracy on which the European Union is predominantly founded. Beside a valorisation of Posavec's works on democracy in the European Union, this paper deals with the problem of the democratic deficit in the European Union which is manifest in the lack of democratic legitimacy of EU institutions, with the sole exception of the European Parliament. The author finds, however, that the main deficit of the European Union is not the democratic process, but political alienation. He perceives the latter as alienation of citizens from the EU as a derivative community, non-transparent and distanced from the basic interests of the citizens and the media interest in politics. Although the European Union declaratively relies on basic democratic values, in practice democracy is experienced primarily through a democratic deficit contrasted by a more obvious bureaucratic surfeit of the European political construction. The author asserts that the Lisbon Treaty was a step towards founding the EU on democratic principles inasmuch as it introduced elements of participative democracy, although it did not accept proposals for introduction of direct democracy in the EU. Finally, the author puts forward some ideas which might reduce the degree of political alienation of citizens in relation to the European Union; this requires giving greater authority to the European Parliament, abolishing the monopoly of the legislative initiative of the European Commission, incorporating the Council of the European Union into the European Parliament as the second House, i.e. the European Senate, and consequently implementing the mechanism of consulting the citizens regarding the legislative initiatives of the EU. The author concludes that the democratic deficit and political alienation cannot be overcome in the European Union without overcoming the democratic deficits and concrete forms of political alienation in the member states which the European Union consists. Adapted from the source document.